The Bloody Fortune of Spain’s King: The Royal Arms Salesman with legal Impunity

by spanishrevolution 12 julio, 2021 Translation The Free Online

The last great scandal in the Royal House: Juan Carlos I earned millions of euros with arms trafficking

Juan Carlos Felipe
The fortune of Juan Carlos I is not based on the commissions for a percentage of imported crude oil as we were led to believe, but on the blood of innocents

According to the exclusive in Public newspaper Público, last Sunday, Juan Carlos I managed to forge his fortune through arms trafficking in Arab countries, a fraud perpetuated along with his private administrators, Manuel Prado and Colón de Carvajal .

The media dates back to 1977 when the emeritus king appointed his friend Colón de Carvajal senator by royal appointment, “as well as joint administrator of 50% of all his businesses, and started with the sale of arms.”

(COMBO) This combination of six file pictures created on January 4, 2018 shows (top L) young Prince of Asturias Juan Carlos on bike on January 1, 1953, (top C) Prince Juan Carlos of Spain (Juan Carlos Alfonso Victor Maria de Borbon y Borbon) and his wife princess Sophia of Greece, on May 14, 1962 in Athens during their wedding, (top R) Prince Juan Carlos of Bourbon and Spanish dictator General Francisco Franco participating in the Victory Parade in Madrid on June 10, 1971, (bottom L) a TV screen-capture of Spanish king Juan Carlos urging Spaniards in a nationwide television address late February 23, 1981 to keep calm and have confidence in Spain’s five year old Democracy while confronting with a military rebellion by franquist Army officers, (bottom C) Spanish King Juan Carlos on April 18, 2012 leaving San Jose hospital in Madrid where he was hospitalised after breaking his hip on an African elephant hunting trip, which provoked a scandal at home and (bottom R) King Juan Carlos addressing the nation following his abdication on June 2, 2014 at the Zarzuela Palace in Madrid. Spain’s former king Juan Carlos, who turns 80 on January 5, 2018, has taken a secondary role since his son Felipe ascended the throne in 2014, putting an end to his nearly four decades-long reign. / AFP PHOTO / AFP / PIERRE-PHILIPPE MARCOU AND STRINGER

At that time, on a visit to Riyadh, the capital of Saudi Arabia, Juan Carlo I started founding of the company that would channel ” trade between the two countries”: Alkantara Iberian Exports.

Prince Fahd, at that time a strongman of the theocratic regime of King Khaled, Faisal’s successor, appoints arms dealer Adnan Khashoggi as a Saudi delegate in Alkantara. Juan Carlos appointed Manuel Prado as president of the company, financed with public funds in the Spanish half: the National Institute of Industry (INI) put up 25% and Focoex (Fomento del Comercio Exterior, from the Banco Exterior de España but operating from Panama) the other 25%.

Alkantara Iberian Exports was established in London on July 6, 1978, as a “Private limited with Share Capital company” and the election of positions continued with the signing of Borja Prado Eulate, son of the partner and figurehead of the king, who worked for Focoex de 1980 to 1988, according to the aforementioned media, and Francisco Jiménez Torres, who would end up becoming Khashoggi’s lawyer in international business operations.

In those years, all international operations for the sale of arms and military material were considered “classified matters” because they dealt with “matters, acts, documents, information, data and objects whose knowledge by unauthorized persons could damage or put security at risk. and defense of the State ”and were protected by Article 2 of Law 9/1968, of April 5, on official secrets, a law still in force that prevents obtaining the documents of those contracts managed by Alkantara.

On August 13, 1982, Manuel Prado and Khashoggi registered the company in the tax haven of Cyprus as “Limited Company with registration HE18048”, thus evidencing the intention of both to “do opaque arms trafficking deals through Alkantara.” as they could operate outside the control of both the Saudi and Spanish governments. ‘

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TOTAL IMPUNITY GUARANTEED for Franco’s appointed King

In 1985, with Felipe González as president, the Government made its first official report on the most important Spanish arms sales companies. Alkantara was at the forefront of the list, even admitting that not even Moncloa (office of Prime Minister) “controls the final destination of exports of Spanish war material and even less the commissions.”

In 1989, the INI decided to dissolve Alkantara because of the scandal caused by the indictment of Khashoggi in the Iran-Contra case for the sale of arms to Iran to finance the mercenaries who were fighting the Nicaraguan government (1985-1986).

However, before being indicted, Khashoggi handed the company over to the arms dealer Abderramán El Assir, whom he introduced into the Marbella circle of power. The arms sales business of Alkantara’s Cypriot subsidiary continued for almost two more years, until its dissolution in Cyprus on November 14, 1990.

Until then, the movements of the company obtained millionaire amounts in commissions for the sale of weapons. Among the various operations, those carried out in Morocco stand out, a business for which they obtained a total amount of 570 million dollars, more than 62,000 million pesetas.

“This operation is the largest sale of weapons by the Spanish Government to Morocco at the time and the commissions distributed by the mediators would add up to 12,500 million pesetas, explains Público.

They assure us that “the commission agents who worked with Alkantara trafficked arms with all the countries they could, taking advantage of all the wars and conflicts of those years,” according to statements by one of the King’s friends consulted.

In 1983, Manuel Prado, in order to better hide his half-profit activities with Juan Carlos, established his residence in Switzerland and founded the company Trébol SA there. with Monarch’s other intimate partner, Tchokotua.

The third partner was the king himself, although his name never appears in the documents, according to one of those who were in the king’s inner circle and Público. The article adds that by 1984 Alkantara Iberian Exports Ltd was already the largest arms exporter in Spain..

Egypt bought warships and military vehicles from these Spanish companies. However, “in 1985 Egypt suspended payments in the midst of the international financial crisis and never returned those credits in Spain.”


The result didn’t affect the king and his partners: “The Spanish manufacturing companies collected the total amount invoiced and the Alkantara partners pocketed their entire millionaire commissions, on account of State loans.”

However, according to Público : “Ten years later, Spain finally had to forgive Egypt 18,800 million pesetas, with which these businesses had been financed. Therefore, the entire operation, including the commissions of the king and his partners, were paid with public funds ”, as José Díaz Herrera and Ramón Tijeras reported in their work“ The Money of Power. The Economic plot in Socialist Spain ».


El último gran escándalo en la Casa Real: Juan Carlos I ganó millones de euros con el tráfico de armas

La fortuna de Juan Carlos I no se asienta en las comisiones por un porcentaje del crudo importado como se hizo creer, sino en la sangre de inocentes

Según ha adelantado este domingo en exclusiva el diario Público Juan Carlos I consiguió forjar su fortuna a través del tráfico de armas en países árabes, un fraude perpetuado al lado del que fue su administrador privado, Manuel Prado y Colón de Carvajal.

El medio se remonta a 1977 cuando el rey emérito nombró a su amigo Colón de Carvajal senador por designación real, «así como administrador solidario al 50% de todos sus negocios, empezando por la venta de armas». En ese momento, en una visita a Riad, capital y principal centro de negocios de Arabia Saudí, Juan Carlo I inició los negocios para la fundación de la empresa que canalizaría “el comercio entre los dos países”: Alkantara Iberian Exports.

El príncipe Fahd, en aquel momento hombre fuerte del régimen teocrático del rey Jaled, sucesor de Faisal, nombra delegado saudí en Alkantara al traficante de armas Adnan Khashoggi. Por su parte, Juan Carlos designa a Manuel Prado como presidente de la compañía, financiada con fondos públicos en la mitad española: el Instituto Nacional de Industria (INI) pondrá un 25% y Focoex (Fomento del Comercio Exterior, del Banco Exterior de España pero operando desde Panamá) el otro 25%.

This image has an empty alt attribute; its file name is corrupcic3b3n-en-espac3b1a.jpg

Alkantara Iberian Exports  se constituye en Londres el 6 de julio de 1978, como «Private limited with Share Capital company» y la elección de cargos continuó con el fichaje de Borja Prado Eulate, hijo del socio y testaferro del rey, quien trabajó para Focoex de 1980 a 1988, según señala el citado medio, y Francisco Jiménez Torres, quien se acabaría convirtiendo en abogado de Khashoggi en operaciones comerciales internacionales.

En aquellos años, todas las operaciones internacionales de ventas de armamento y material militar son consideradas «materias clasificadas» por tratarse de «asuntos, actos, documentos, informaciones, datos y objetos cuyo conocimiento por personas no autorizadas pueda dañar o poner en riesgo la seguridad y defensa del Estado» y estaban amparadas por el artículo 2 de la ley 9/1968, de 5 de abril, sobre secretos oficiales, una ley todavía vigente que impide obtener los documentos de esos contratos gestionados por Alkantara.

En 13 de agosto de 1982, Manuel Prado y Khashoggi registran la compañía en el paraíso fiscal de Chipre como «Compañía Limitada con registro HE18048», quedando así evidenciada la intención de ambos de «hacer negocios opacos de tráfico de armas a través de Alkantara», ya que podían operar fuera del control tanto del gobierno saudí como del español».

En 1985, ya con Felipe González como presidente, el Gobierno hizo su primer informe oficial sobre las compañías más importantes de venta de armas españolas. Alkantara se situaba al frente de la lista, aún admitiendo que ni la misma Moncloa “controla el destino final de las exportaciones de material bélico español y menos aún las comisiones».


En 1989, el INI decide disolver Alkantara a causa del escándalo provocado por la imputación de Khashoggi en el caso Irán-Contra por la venta de armas a Irán para financiar a los mercenarios que combatían al Gobierno de Nicaragua (1985-1986).

Sin embargo, antes de ser imputado, Khashoggi le pasa la empresa al traficante de armas Abderramán El Assir, a quien introdujo en el círculo de poder de Marbella. Los negocios de venta de armas de la filial chipriota de Alkantara continúan casi dos años más, hasta su disolución en Chipre el 14 de noviembre de 1990.

Hasta entonces, los movimientos de la empresa consiguieron cantidades millonarias en comisiones por la venta de armas. Entre las diversas operaciones, destacan las realizadas en Marruecos, un negocio por el cual obtuvieron un importe total de 570 millones de dólares, más de 62.000 millones de pesetas.

“Esa operación es la mayor venta de armamento del Gobierno español a Marruecos de la época y las comisiones que se reparten los mediadores sumarían unos 12.500 millones de pesetas, explica Público.

Sin embargo, aseguran que “los comisionistas que trabajaban con Alkantara hacían tráfico de armas con todos los países que podían, aprovechando todas las guerras y conflictos de aquellos años,” según declaraciones de uno de los amigos del rey consultados.

En 1983, Manuel Prado con el fin de ocultar mejor sus actividades lucrativas a medias con Juan Carlos fija su residencia en en Suiza y funda allí la compañía Trébol S.A. con el otro socio íntimo de monarca, Tchokotua.

El tercer socio es el propio rey, aunque su nombre nunca figura en los documentos, según asegura a Público uno de los que estaban en el círculo íntimo del monarca.

 El artículo añade que en 1984 Alkantara Iberian Exports Ltd es ya la mayor exportadora de armas de España y su mejor cliente acaba siendo Egipto, que compra buques de guerra y vehículos militares a empresas españolas.

Sin embargo, “en 1985 Egipto suspende pagos en plena crisis financiera internacional y nunca devuelve aquellos créditos en España”. El resultado para  el rey y sus socios fue el mismo: “Las empresas fabricantes españolas cobran la totalidad del facturado y los socios de Alkantara se embolsan sus comisiones millonarias íntegras, a cuenta de estos préstamos del Estado”. 


No obstante, según denuncia Público : “Diez años después, España tendrá finalmente que condonar a Egipto 18.800 millones de pesetas, con los que se han financiado esos negocios. Por tanto, toda la operación, incluidas las comisiones del rey y sus socios, se pagan con fondos públicos”, tal como recogerán José Díaz Herrera y Ramón Tijeras en su obra » El dinero del poder. La trama económica en la España socialista».


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