Category Archives: ecology

STOP the Uranium Mine: Demo/Mani 26 Nov. en Salamanca

Llega un metanero con GAS DEL FRACKING a Barcelona…en un barco Ruso!?

de NoMesGas         Ayer martes 20 de Noviembre llegó un metanero desde Sabine Pass en Louisiana y está descargando hasta 170,000 m3 de GNL derivado del fracking en el EEUU  en la planta de Enagás en la Zona Franca port.

EN TWITTER…https://twitter.com/search?q=%23+NoAlFrackGasDelTrump..   #NoAlFrackGasDelTrump

Market News

Market News

”Gas Natural’s Pskov loaded at Sabine Pass on 6-November and is now making her laden voyage towards Barcelona, ETA 20-November”.

Según el sitio web analista Kpler el barco la PSKOV es ”de Gas Natural’. Pero no figura en la lista de metaneros de GNF, al menos que fuera fletado últimamente. Pertenecía en 2015 a la gran empresa Rusa OAO Sovcomflot (SCF) pero fue fletado a GAZPROM por 15 años.The Pskov LNG carrier has a cargo storage capacity of 170,200m³

(”The Pskov gas carrier is the second one in a series of high-tech ice-class LNG carriers that have been designed on Gazprom’s order., Gazprom Marketing & Trading (GM&T) chartered Pskov from Russian shipping company Sovcomflot” http://www.gazprom.com/press/news/2014/august/article199499/  ). Continue reading Llega un metanero con GAS DEL FRACKING a Barcelona…en un barco Ruso!?

AGENT ORANGE AND ROUNDUP: THE CONTINUING APOCALYPSE, 3rd GENERATION

..”First let’s rewind a bit: to the days when Monsanto Corporation started out as the maker of killer poisons like DDT, PCBs, and Agent Orange.

From 1961 to 1971, the US dropped 21 million gallons of defoliants over large swathes of Vietnam, of which 12 million gallons were Agent Orange – a herbicide manufactured for the US Department of Defense primarily by Monsanto Corporation and Dow Chemical.

Its name derives from the colour of the orange-striped barrels in which it was shipped. There were other colours in the ‘rainbow herbicides’, but Agent Orange was by far the most widely used.

The use of Agent Orange was an experimental form of chemical and biological warfare, designed to strip foliage and deny the enemy jungle cover – and to deprive enemy forces of their food supply (directly spraying rice-fields, for instance). Experimental in this instance meaning no idea of the long-term effects of this deadly herbicide, which can release dioxin – one of the most potent toxins known to mankind.

According to the post-war Vietnamese government, 4.8 million Vietnamese people were exposed to Agent Orange, resulting in 400,000 deaths and disabilities, and 500,000 children born with birth defects.

And now, five decades later, with the cooperation of the US government, Monsanto is knocking on Vietnam’s door with another potentially carcinogenic herbicide: Roundup. GMO seeds are considered dangerous not only because they are modified, but also because they are designed to work with the chemical herbicide Roundup, Monsanto’s market-leading glyphosate brand.

The build-up of glyphosate in crops is suspected as a leading cause of a spike in cases of autism, cancer, and long-term illnesses in America. Not to mention a possible link with bee colony die-offs. The use of Roundup is highly controversial and it has already been banned in a number of countries around the globe”.

AGENT ORANGE: THE CONTINUING APOCALYPSE, 3rd GENERATION

from the Hemlock Room here

***A WARNING FOR THE SENSITIVE: THERE WILL BE EXTREMELY GRAPHIC VIDEOS AND PHOTOS BELOW OF THE EFFECTS ON CHILDREN OF AGENT ORANGE. Continue reading AGENT ORANGE AND ROUNDUP: THE CONTINUING APOCALYPSE, 3rd GENERATION

ROJAVA: A Utopia in the Heart of Syria’s Chaos

 
   from KDN  with thanksWhile battling the Islamic state, Kurds and other ethnic groups in Northern Syria are trying to install a political project. They call it the “Democratic Federation of Northern Syria”.

This project is at opposite to the religious project of part of the Syrian opposition, but also to the Arab nationalist project of the Syrian government. And it’s also opposed to an independent Kurdistan.”

We don’t want a Kurdistan for Kurds, but a democratic federation for everybody,” they say. From Qamishli to Kobane, from Membij to Raqqa, this story describes the difficult implementation of a new political experience in Syria, despite the obstacles of a the war and a suffocating embargo.

A written version of this report can be found in the September 2017 issue of Le Monde Diplomatique: “Une utopie au coeur du chaos Syrian” and “Experiment in self-rule in Rojava” in their English-language version (partly reproduced  here below). a film made by Chris Den Hond and Mireille Court Duration: 45 min. Filmed in July 2017



Below is the first part of the script  for the above video from the English version of Le Monde Diplomatique

Experiment in self-rule in Rojava

Autonomous enclave amid violence of Syrian conflict. Continue reading ROJAVA: A Utopia in the Heart of Syria’s Chaos

Volkswagen Pollution stopped by Greenpeace..Angela Queen of CO2

Dear Kitty. Some blog

This video from England says about itself:

VW port at KENT stormed by GREENPEACE Activists

21 September 2017

Greenpeace at Port of Sheerness in Kent, Thursday, to point at the import of Volkswagen diesel vehicles from Germany.

By Lamiat Sabin in Britain:

Delivery denied

Friday 22nd September 2017

Greenpeace activists block shipment of thousands of polluting VW motors

A CARGO ship carrying thousands of Volkswagen diesel-fuelled cars to Britain was forced to sail to another port yesterday after it was seized by environmental activists.

Around 25 protesters used kayaks and boats to reach the 23,000-ton car carrier in Sheerness Port in Kent at around 8.30am, environmental group Greenpeace said.

They climbed the ship and hung from the 27m-high unloading door, vowing to remain until Volkswagen “takes its toxic cars back to Germany.”

The ship turned around and sailed to Margate with the protesters still hanging on, according to the charity.

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How Do We Get Out of This Mess?.. George Monbiot’s Proposal for a New Revolutionary Narrative

Here are my proposals for a new politics, designed for the 21st Century

By George Monbiot, adapted from his new book Out of the Wreckage: a new politics for an age of crisis, and published in the Guardian, 9th September 2017

Is it reasonable to hope for a better world? Study the cruelty and indifference of governments, the disarray of opposition parties, the apparently inexorable slide towards climate breakdown, the renewed threat of nuclear war, and the answer appears to be no. Our problems look intractable, our leaders dangerous, while voters are cowed and baffled. Despair looks like the only rational response.

But over the past two years, I have been struck by four observations. What they reveal is that political failure is, in essence, a failure of imagination. They suggest to me that it is despair, not hope, that is irrational. I believe they light a path towards a better world.

The first observation is the least original. It is the realisation that it is not strong leaders or parties that dominate politics as much as powerful political narratives. The political history of the second half of the 20th Century could be summarised as the conflict between its two great narratives: the stories told by Keynesian social democracy and neoliberalism. Image result for neoliberalism disaster

First one and then the other captured the minds of people across the political spectrum. When the social democracy story dominated, even the Conservatives and Republicans adopted key elements of the programme. When neoliberalism took its place, political parties everywhere, regardless of their colour, fell under its spell. These stories overrode everything: personality, identity and party history.

This should not surprise us. Stories are the means by which we navigate the world. They allow us to interpret its complex and contradictory signals. We all possess a narrative instinct: an innate disposition to listen for an account of who we are and where we stand.Image result for how narratives rule the world

When we encounter a complex issue and try to understand it, what we look for is not consistent and reliable facts but a consistent and comprehensible story. When we ask ourselves whether something “makes sense”, the “sense” we seek is not rationality, as scientists and philosophers perceive it, but narrative fidelity. Does what we are hearing reflect the way we expect humans and the world to behave? Does it hang together? Does it progress as stories should progress?

A string of facts, however well-attested, will not correct or dislodge a powerful story. The only response it is likely to provoke is indignation: people often angrily deny facts that clash with the narrative “truth” established in their minds. The only thing that can displace a story is a story. Those who tell the stories run the world.

I came to the second, more interesting, observation with the help of the writer and organiser George Marshall. It is this. Although the stories told by social democracy and neoliberalism are starkly opposed to each other, they have the same narrative structure. We could call it the Restoration Story. It goes like this:

Disorder afflicts the land, caused by powerful and nefarious forces working against the interests of humanity. The hero – who might be one person or a group of people – revolts against this disorder, fights the nefarious forces, overcomes them despite great odds and restores order.https://inkchromatography.files.wordpress.com/2015/01/book-poster-long2.jpg?w=437&h=643

Stories that follow this pattern can be so powerful that they sweep all before them: even our fundamental values. For example, two of the world’s best-loved and most abiding narratives – Lord of the Rings and the Narnia series – invoke values that were familiar in the Middle Ages but are generally considered repulsive today. Disorder in these stories is characterised by the usurpation of rightful kings or their rightful heirs; justice and order rely on their restoration. We find ourselves cheering the resumption of autocracy, the destruction of industry and even, in the case of Narnia, the triumph of divine right over secular power.

If these stories reflected the values most people profess – democracy, independence, industrial “progress” – the rebels would be the heroes and the hereditary rulers the villains. We overlook the conflict with our own priorities because the stories resonate so powerfully with the narrative structure for which our minds are prepared. Facts, evidence, values, beliefs: stories conquer all.

The social democratic story explains that the world fell into disorder – characterised by the Great Depression – because of the self-seeking behaviour of an unrestrained elite. The elite’s capture of both the world’s wealth and the political system resulted in the impoverishment and insecurity of working people. By uniting to defend their common interests, the world’s people could throw down the power of this elite, strip it of its ill-gotten gains and pool the resulting wealth for the good of all.

Order and security would be restored in the form of a protective, paternalistic state, investing in public projects for the public good, generating the wealth that would guarantee a prosperous future for everyone. The ordinary people of the land – the heroes of the story – would triumph over those who had oppressed them.

The neoliberal story explains that the world fell into disorder as a result of the collectivising tendencies of the over-mighty state, exemplified by the monstrosities of Stalinism and Nazism, but evident in all forms of state planning and all attempts to engineer social outcomes. Collectivism crushes freedom, individualism and opportunity. Heroic entrepreneurs, mobilising the redeeming power of the market, would fight this enforced conformity, freeing society from the enslavement of the state.

Order would be restored in the form of free markets, delivering wealth and opportunity, guaranteeing a prosperous future for everyone. The ordinary people of the land, released by the heroes of the story (the freedom-seeking entrepreneurs) would triumph over those who had oppressed them.

Then – again with Marshall’s help – I stumbled into the third observation: the narrative structure of the Restoration Story is a common element in most successful political transformations, including many religious revolutions. This led inexorably to the fourth insight: the reason why, despite its multiple and manifest failures, we appear to be stuck with neoliberalism is that we have failed to produce a new narrative with which to replace it.

You cannot take away someone’s story without giving them a new one. It is not enough to challenge an old narrative, however outdated and discredited it may be. Change happens only when you replace it with another. When we develop the right story, and learn how to tell it, it will infect the minds of people across the political spectrum.

***

But the best on offer from major political parties is a microwaved version of the remnants of Keynesian social democracy. There are several problems with this approach. The first is that this old story has lost most of its content and narrative force. What we now call Keynesianism has been reduced to two thin chapters: lowering interest rates when economies are sluggish and using counter-cyclical public spending (injecting public money into the economy when unemployment is high or recession threatens).

Other measures, such as raising taxes when an economy grows quickly, to dampen the boom-bust cycle; the fixed exchange rate system; capital controls and a self-balancing global banking system (an International Clearing Union) – all of which John Maynard Keynes saw as essential complements to these policies – have been discarded and forgotten.

This is partly because the troubles that beset the Keynesian model in the 1970s have not disappeared. While the oil embargo in 1973 was the immediate trigger for the lethal combination of high inflation and high unemployment (‘stagflation’) that Keynesian policies were almost powerless to counteract, problems with the system had been mounting for years. Falling productivity and rising cost-push inflation (wages and prices pursuing each other upwards) were already beginning to erode support for Keynesian economics. Most importantly, perhaps, the programme had buckled in response to the political demands of capital.

Strong financial regulations and controls on the movement of money began to weaken in the 1950s, as governments started to liberalise financial markets. Richard Nixon’s decision in 1971 to suspend the convertibility of dollars into gold destroyed the system of fixed exchange rates on which much of the success of Keynes’s policies depended. The capital controls used to prevent financiers and speculators from sucking money out of balanced, Keynesian economies collapsed. We cannot hope that the strategies deployed by global finance in the 20th Century will be unlearnt.

But perhaps the biggest problem residual Keynesianism confronts is that, when it does work, it collides headfirst with the environmental crisis. A programme that seeks to sustain employment through constant economic growth, driven by consumer demand, seems destined to exacerbate our greatest predicament.

Without a new, guiding story of their own, allowing them to look towards a better future rather than a better past, it was inevitable that parties which once sought to resist the power of the wealthy elite would lose their sense of direction. Political renewal depends on a new political story. Without a new story, that is positive and propositional, rather than reactive and oppositional, nothing changes. With such a story, everything changes.

The narrative we build has to be simple and intelligible. If it is to transform our politics, it should appeal to as many people as possible, crossing traditional political lines. It should resonate with deep needs and desires. It should explain the mess we are in and means by which we might escape it. And, because there is nothing to be gained from spreading falsehoods, it must be firmly grounded in reality.

This might sound like a tall order. But there is, I believe, a clear and compelling Restoration Story to be told that fits this description.

***

Over the past few years, there has been a convergence of findings in different sciences: psychology, anthropology, neuroscience and evolutionary biology. Research in all these fields points to the same conclusion: that human beings are, in the words of an article in the journal Frontiers in Psychology, “spectacularly unusual when compared to other animals”. This refers to our astonishing degree of altruism. We possess an unparalleled sensitivity to the needs of others, a unique level of concern about their welfare, and a peerless ability to create moral norms that generalise and enforce these tendencies.

‘Examples Of Anarchist Ideas In Practice’.. FREE DOWNLOAD from Anarchist Library HERE:.. https://theanarchistlibrary.org/library/peter-gelderloos-anarchy-works

We are also, among mammals, the supreme cooperators. We survived the rigours of the African savannahs, despite being weaker and slower than our predators and most of our prey, through developing a remarkable capacity for mutual aid. This urge to cooperate has been hard-wired into our brains through natural selection. Our tendencies towards altruism and cooperation are the central, crucial facts about humankind. But something has gone horribly wrong.Image result for dog eat dog neoliberalism

Our good nature has been thwarted by several forces, but perhaps the most powerful is the dominant political narrative of our times. We have been induced by politicians, economists and journalists to accept a vicious ideology of extreme competition and individualism, that pits us against each other, encourages us to fear and mistrust each other, and weakens the social bonds that make our lives worth living.

The story of our competitive, self-maximising nature has been told so often and with such persuasive power that we have accepted it as an account of who we really are. It has changed our perception of ourselves. Our perceptions, in turn, change the way we behave.

With the help of this ideology, and the neoliberal narrative used to project it, we have lost our common purpose. This leads in turn to a loss of belief in ourselves as a force for change, frustrating our potential to do what humans do best: to find common ground in confronting our predicaments, and to unite to overcome them. Our atomisation has allowed intolerant and violent forces to fill the political vacuum. We are trapped in a vicious circle of alienation and reaction. The hypersocial mammal is falling apart.

But by coming together to revive community life we, the heroes of this story, can break the vicious circle. Through invoking our capacity for togetherness and belonging, we can rediscover the central facts of our humanity: our altruism and mutual aid. By reviving community, built around the places in which we live, and by anchoring ourselves, our politics and parts of our economy in the life of this community, we can restore the best aspects of our nature.

Where there is atomisation, we will create a thriving civic life. Where there is alienation, we will forge a new sense of belonging: to neighbours, neighbourhood and society. Community projects will proliferate into a vibrant participatory culture. New social enterprises will strengthen our sense of attachment and ownership.

Where we find ourselves crushed between market and state, we will develop a new economics, that treats both people and planet with respect. We will build it around a great, neglected economic sphere: the commons. Local resources will be owned and managed by communities, ensuring that wealth is widely shared. Using common riches to fund universal benefits will supplement state provision, granting everyone security and resilience.

New evidence shows human cooperation and empathy predominate See Also: Kropotkin was Right: Cooperation beats Competition

Where we are ignored and exploited, we will revive democracy and retrieve politics from those who have captured it. New methods and rules for elections will ensure that every vote counts and financial power can never vanquish political power. Representative democracy will be reinforced by participatory democracy, that allows us to refine our political choices. Decision-making will be returned to the smallest political units that can discharge it.

The strong, embedded cultures we develop will be robust enough to accommodate social diversity of all kinds: a diversity of people, of origins, of life experiences, of ideas and ways of living. We will no longer need to fear people who differ from ourselves; we will have the strength and confidence to reject attempts to channel hatred towards them.

Through restoring community, renewing civic life and claiming our place in the world, we build a society in which our extraordinary nature – our altruism, empathy and deep connection – is released. A kinder world stimulates and normalises our kinder values. I propose a name for this story: the Politics of Belonging.

***

Some of this can begin without waiting for a change of government: one of the virtues of a politics rooted in community is that you do not need a national movement in order to begin. But other aspects of this programme depend on wider political change. This too might sound like an improbable hope – until you begin to explore some of the remarkable things that have been happening in the United States.

The Big Organising model developed by the campaign to elect Bernie Sanders as the Democratic nominee is potentially transformative. Rather than relying on big spending, big data and a big staff, it uses proliferating networks of volunteers, who train and supervise more volunteers, to carry out the tasks usually reserved for staff. While Hillary Clinton’s campaign was organising money, the Sanders campaign was organising people. By the end of the nomination process, more than 100,000 people had been recruited. Between them, they ran 100,000 events and spoke to 75 million voters.

His bid for the nomination was a giant live experiment, most of whose methods were developed on the job. Those who ran it report that by the time they stumbled across the strategy that almost won, it was too late. Had it been activated a few months earlier, the volunteer network could have abandoned all forms of targeting and contacted almost every adult in the USA. If the techniques they developed were used from the outset, they could radically alter the prospects of any campaign for a better world.

When, after reading a book by two of Sanders’s organisers, I argued in a video for the Guardian that this method could be used to transform the prospects of Jeremy Corbyn’s Labour party, I was widely mocked. But it turned out to be true. By adopting elements of the Sanders strategy, Labour, supported by Momentum, almost won an election that was widely predicted to be a Conservative landslide. And the method that propelled this shift is still in its infancy.

I believe it could become still more powerful when combined with some of the techniques identified by former Congressional staffers in the Indivisible guide to influencing Members of Congress. These people studied the methods developed by the Tea Party movement and extracted the crucial lessons. They discovered that the key is to use local meetings with representatives to press home a single demand, film and share their responses on social media, then steadily escalate the pressure.

The Tea Party honed this technique until its requests became almost impossible to resist. The same thing can be done, though without the harassment to which that movement sometimes resorted. Supported by the Big Organising model, using its proliferating phone-bank teams and doorstep canvassing, the Indivisible methods could, I believe, be used to flip political outcomes in any nation that claims to be a democracy.

But none of this will generate meaningful and lasting change unless it is used to support a new, coherent political narrative.

Those who want a kinder politics know we have, in theory at least, the numbers on our side. Most people are socially-minded, empathetic and altruistic. Most people would prefer to live in a world in which everyone is treated with respect and decency, and in which we do not squander either our own lives or the natural gifts on which we and the rest of the living world depend. But a small handful, using lies and distractions and confusion, stifle this latent desire for change.

We know that, if we can mobilise such silent majorities, there is nothing this small minority can do to stop us. But because we have failed to understand what is possible, and above all failed to replace our tired political stories with a new, compelling narrative of transformation and restoration, we have failed to realise this potential. As we rekindle our imagination, we discover our power to act. And that is the point at which we become unstoppable.

George Monbiot’s book Out Of The Wreckage: a new politics for an age of crisis, is published by Verso.

 

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The Age of Empathy.

KROPOTKIN.. UPDATING MUTUAL AID

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Secwepemc Warriors build Tiny Houses on Pipeline Route

Tiny Houses Being Built to Block Pipeline in Unceded Secwepemc Territory

from Living Big In a Tiny HouseTen tiny houses are currently being built by the Secwepemc Nation in order to block the proposed expansion of Kinder Morgan’s Trans Mountain Pipeline in what some are calling the next ‘Standing Rock’.

These ten tiny homes will be strategically placed along the path of the pipeline in order to occupy the land and halt progression. Lead by Kanahus Manuel and other activists from the Secwepemc tribes, volunteer builders from all over North America have began showing up to help with the construction of the tiny homes, which are being constructed on wheels so they can easily be moved along the proposed pipeline route according to where they are needed.

Together, they are calling themselves the ‘Tiny House Warriors’. Continue reading Secwepemc Warriors build Tiny Houses on Pipeline Route