Our Inspiration – Anarcha-Feminists of the Past and Present

For anarcha-feminists, the struggle against patriarchy is an inherent part of the struggle to abolish the state and abolish capitalism, since the state itself is a patriarchal structure.

Although there is a rich, global history of people of color and/or feminist anarchist movements, within the U.S., it’s not uncommon for anarchist spaces to suffer major blind spots when it comes to race and gender.

Given that anarchism, even more than socialism and communism, explicitly denounces any form of hierarchy in political organizing, it is especially ironic when white male anarchists fail to recognize the ways in which they replicate hierarchy by participating in racist and patriarchal forms of domination against their comrades.

Anarcha-feminism Anarcha-feminists

So here is a brief introduction to anarcha-feminism—loosely defined as a political philosophy and movement whose goal is not only to abolish the capitalist state, but also all forms of patriarchal domination as well.

Anarcha-feminists do not see the goals of feminism as distinct from anarchism—rather, they see feminism (in its true form) as a kind of anarchism, and vice versa. For anarcha-feminists, the struggle against patriarchy is an inherent part of the struggle to abolish the state and abolish capitalism, since the state itself is a patriarchal structure.

mujeres libres

In a manifesto titled “Anarcho-Feminism: Two Statements,” the authors note: “We believe that a Woman’s Revolutionary Movement must not mimic, but destroy, all vestiges of the male-dominated power structure, the State itself — with its whole ancient and dismal apparatus of jails, armies, and armed robbery (taxation); with all its murder; with all of its grotesque and repressive legislation and military attempts, internal and external, to interfere with people’s private lives and freely-chosen co-operative ventures.”

Below are a list of some anarcha-feminists and anarcha-feminist groups, both historic and present, to get you started:

Emma Goldman (1869-1940):

Often referred to as the mother of the modern anarchist movement, Emma Goldman was born into a Jewish family in contemporary Lithuania (then part of the Russian empire) in 1869, and subsequently emigrated to the United States. Continue reading “Our Inspiration – Anarcha-Feminists of the Past and Present”

Mass Hunger Strikes end in Victory over Fascist Terror.. 8 dead

note.. this ‘TheFreeOnline’ blog is now banned in Turkey with Dozens more pro Rojava and anti Fascist sites

reportaje en castellano abajo

After 200 days of incomparable historical resistance, the hunger strikes in Kurdistan, Turkey and Europe have been declared over today

 We send our warmest revolutionary greetings to all comrades who took part in the hunger strike and the many resistance actions and congratulate the free peoples on this victory.

Ocalan in the past has declared long ceasefires with the Turkish State rejecting terrorism and separatism  in favour of ‘municipal anarchist’ communal ideas and feminist emancipation which have swept through the over 15 million Kurdish population.

On November 8, 2018 the Kurdish politician Leyla Güven had started her hunger strike to lift the total isolation against Abdullah Öcalan, the representative of the Kurdish people and philosophical thought leader of the revolution in Northeast Syria. Continue reading “Mass Hunger Strikes end in Victory over Fascist Terror.. 8 dead”

The Acorn – 49 – read it here

by winter oak, shared with thanks!

In this issue:  

  1. Deepening our resistance
  2. Why I decided to fight: letter from a Yellow Vest prisoner
  3. Julian Assange: enemy of the empire
  4. The modern leftist
  5. Rudolf Rocker: an orgrad inspiration
  6. Acorninfo

1. Deepening our resistance

Synchronicity has a funny way of throwing together two apparently unrelated events in  a way that invites comparison.

This was the case, for instance, with Saturday November 17 2018, the day on which both the Gilets Jaunes in France and Extinction Rebellion (XR) in the UK were launched onto their respective national stages.

Initially, the comparison appeared to favour XR, from our perspective at least. In Britain, altruistic environmentally-aware protesters were battling to save the planet, while across the Channel the Yellow Vests were upset about a rise in petrol prices.

But that perception rapidly changed. Continue reading “The Acorn – 49 – read it here”

Decolonial feminists in Abya Yala: we are anti-racist, anti-capitalist and anti-sexist.

Why Decolonial Feminism: New Possibilities from Abya Yala (Latin America)*

It is no longer accurate to speak of one feminism, encapsulating the experiences of white women in the west and laboring women in the global south, for example.

Rather, today, we speak about feminisms, different branches fighting in the cause of women’s freedom, and created by women from the so-called ‟third world” – women of color, black women, and indigenous women.

These feminisms were brought into being when women from around the world began to critique the limitations of the sort of universal feminism that come from the white bourgeois women in the West to explain our own realities. Continue reading “Decolonial feminists in Abya Yala: we are anti-racist, anti-capitalist and anti-sexist.”

Judi Bari: Anti-Capitalist/Anti-Authoritarian #ClimateJustice

A new website has been launched which challenges “to the core” the thinking of the industrial capitalist system. It presents the ideological alternative of an organic radicalism which it sources from a wide range of thinkers, past and present.

Originally published by The Acorn, Winter Oak    by

This philosophy, explains the orgrad site, is based on the idea of a living community, a social organism consisting of “horizontal relationships and exchanges between free human beings, rather than on sterile hierarchy”.

We at The Acorn very much identify with this tradition – hence the change in our masthead! Below we reproduce the article on Judi Bari, one of dozens of profiles of key orgrad inspirations on the site.


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Judi Bari (1949-1997) was an American feminist and environmental activist, who organized Earth First! campaigns against logging in the ancient redwood forests of Northern California in the 1980s and ’90s. Continue reading “Judi Bari: Anti-Capitalist/Anti-Authoritarian #ClimateJustice”

Support Hunger strikers: Yonca Akici, is the 6th to Die.. Stop Erdogan!

note.. this ‘TheFreeOnline’ blog is now banned in Turkey with Dozens more pro Rojava and anti Fascist sites

Yonca Akici was in Şakran’s women’s prison for four years for her ideology and political militancy, feminist and anti-fascist. On March 29, she tried to put an end to his life to protest against the isolation of Kurdish leader Abdullah Öcalan. She died on April  1st.

Ocalan in the past has declared long ceasefires with the Turkish State rejecting terrorism and separatism  in favour of ‘municipal anarchist’ communal ideas and feminist emancipation which have swept through the over 15 million Kurdish population.

Yonca’s body was buried in her hometown, Burunbulak village in Tutak district of Ağrı. Meanwhile, the cemetery was surrounded by security forces, only the closest relatives were allowed to attend the funeral.

Akici had been on hunger strike since March 1, and finally, yesterday, she died at the Çiğli State Hospital, where she lay severely injured.

see also: 300 on Hunger Strike – How Ocalan Transformed the PKK into Anti-Terrorists

After the autopsy, her body was sent to the Kurdish city Ağrı to be  buried.

The bodies of three other hunger strikers who have committed suicide,  Zülküf Gezen, Ayten Beçet and Zehra Sağlam were retained by the Turkish regime and buried in silence without the participation of relatives and people, while only a few members of the family were able to attend. News is suppressed in the Government controlled media with dozens of outlets closed, journalists jailed and hundreds of thousands purged..

Erdogan arrests 735 more Kurds as Peace Hunger Strikers near Death

Erdogan arrests 735 more Kurds as Peace Hunger Strikers near Death

number 7 … Siraç Yüksek,

Yet another dead political prisoner.  Siraç Yüksek who joined the  hunger strike on March 1 in protest at the “isolation” of imprisoned leader of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) Abdullah Öcalan committed suicide in a prison in the southern Turkish province of Osmaniye, being the 7th victim of such political suicides in a month, the Mezopotamya news agency reported.

Siraç Yüksek, was among the hundreds of hunger strikers in prisons across Turkey to protest Öcalan’s prison conditionsYüksek’s body was sent to the Adana Council of Forensic Medicine for an autopsy.

He was arrested in May 2016 during a curfew imposed on Nusaybin at the time, according to Mesopotamia.Prisoner. Siraç died  in the T-type prison in Osmaniye.

The funeral of Siraç took place in the district of Nusaybin in Mardin. Again, only the closest family members were let by the security forces to enter the cemetery. There were brief discussions between those who were not allowed to attend the funeral and the police.

Peoples’ Democratic Party (HDP) deputy Leyla Güven in November went on a hunger strike when she was jailed on charges of ”disseminating terrorist propaganda”, that is protesting the illegal and genocidal invasion of Afrin on social media. .

Three other HDP deputies are also currently on a hunger strike seeking an improvement in Öcalan’s prison conditions.

The deputies are protesting Öcalan’s inability to speak with his lawyers, referring to it as his “isolation.”

HDP deputies criticize the silence of society in the face of hunger strikes that have been increasing among Kurdish politicians across the country.

Statement by the PKK

The PKK Executive Committee made a statement about the sacrifice actions in prisons saying: “The Great Resistance by Hunger Strike, which has been taken up by our people has  spread throughout the world. Resistance has been carried out with the slogan “Let’s break the isolation, lets destroy fascism”. With the local elections on March 31, it seems that the AKP-MHP collapse becomes clearer. Our resistance aims to overthrow the fascist mentality and genocide policy and end the system of torture and isolation …. and gain freedom. Therefore, it is important and necessary to correctly understand the line of action and not carry out individual actions. There are some actions that should not be repeated. These are the actions of the comrades Zülküf, Uğur and Ayten. We believe that all the prison comrades will act with this awareness, not individually, but in an organized manner. “

Since the launch of actions against the hunger strike that demand the end of isolation against Abdullah Öcalan, six people have now lost their lives, five of them in prison (one man and three prisoners) and one exiled to Germany.

Leyla Guven, the parliamentarian jailed for supporting Afrin who began the hunger strikes now comprising 0ver 400 people, has also called on the hunger strikers not to commit suicide. She has now gone almost 150 days without  food.

The other people who ended their lives are:

– Uğur Şakar (February 21, Germany),

– Zülküf Gezen (March 17, prison type F Tekirdağ no. 2),Image result for Zülküf Gezen,

– Ayten Beçet (March 22, closed prison of women Gebze Type-M),

– Zehra Sağlam (March 24, Oltu Type-T Prison).

– Medina Çınar (March 25, Prison of Mardin type E)

– Yonca Akici (April 1, Şakran Prison)


original en català

Mor la presa en vaga de fam Yonca Akici, és la sisena

Yonca Akici era a la presó de dones de Şakran des de feia quatre anys per la seva ideologia i militància política. El 29 de març va intentar posar fi a la seva vida per protestar contra l’aïllament contra el líder popular kurd, Abdullah Öcalan.

Akici havia estat en vaga de fam des de l’1 de març i, finalment, ahir va perdre la vida a l’Hospital Estatal de Çiğli, on havia estat presa greument ferida. Després de l’autòpsia, el cos serà enviat a la ciutat kurda Ağrı per enterrar-lo.

Els cossos de Zülküf Gezen, Ayten Beçet i Zehra Sağlam van ser retinguts pel règim turc i enterrats en silenci sense la participació de familiars i persones, mentre que només alguns membres de la família van poder assistir.

Declaració del PKK

El Comitè Executiu del PKK va fer una declaració sobre les accions de sacrifici a les presons dient: “La Gran Resistència a la Vaga de la Fam, que ha estat desenvolupada per la nostra gent a tot el món, ha assolit un nivell important per difondre’s a tot el món. La resistència s’ha dut a terme amb el lema “Anem a trencar l’aïllament, destruïm el feixisme. Amb les eleccions locals del 31 de març, sembla que el col·lapse AKP-MHP esdevindrà més clar. Sens dubte, aquesta resistència té com a objectiu derrocar la mentalitat i la política genocida feixista, acabant amb el sistema de tortura i aïllament d’Imali és una resistència heroica i una resistència a la llibertat.

Per tant, és important i necessari entendre correctament la línia d’actuació i no dur a terme accions individuals. Hi ha algunes accions que no s’han de repetir. Aquestes són les accions dels camarades Zülküf, Uğur i Ayten. Creiem que tots els camarades de les presons actuaran amb aquesta consciència, no pas individualment, sinó de manera organitzada. ”

Des de la posada en marxa d’actuacions contra la vaga de fam que demanen la fi de l’aïllament contra Abdullah Öcalan, sis persones han perdut la vida, cinc d’ells a presó (un home i tres presoneres) i un exiliat a Alemanya. Es tracta, doncs, de la sisena mort en la protesta de l’aïllament. Les altres persones que van acabar les seves vides són:

Uğur Şakar (21 de febrer, Alemanya),

Zülküf Gezen (17 de març, presó de tipus F Tekirdağ n º 2),

Ayten Beçet (22 de març, presó tancat de les dones Gebze Type-M),

Zehra Sağlam (24 de març, presó Oltu Type-T).

Medya Çınar (25 de març, presó de Mardin tipus E)

– Yonca Akici (1 d’abril, presó de Şakran)


Between the Feminist Wave and the Green Anti Capitalist Sea

A Feminist Movement to End Capitalism  Part II:

Black Rose/Rosa Negra is a proud feminist organization. We take our political inspiration from the historical struggles of working class women, including those who carried out their work in the name of other movements or ideologies. While we value the feminisms that can be found in our own neighborhoods and workplaces, we also seek to learn all lessons possible from the parts of the world where feminism is ascendant. Our international partnerships have resulted in a strong Latin American perspective in our writing and ideological perspectives – something we find appropriate for an organization based in the Americas. We are excited to present the second in a two part series by Bree Busk looking at anti-capitalist feminism in South America with a wealth of concepts and analysis that we can draw from in the U.S.

See Part I for a glossary of terms used.


Between the Feminist Wave and the Green Sea: from Argentina to Chile

By Bree Busk

The student feminist wave of 2018 struck so suddenly and spread so quickly that its impact resonated far beyond Chile’s national borders. Like the student movement that rocked the country 7 years earlier, feminism forced its way into the public consciousness, changing the course of the country’s many social movements as well as government policy. This was accomplished through a series of groundbreaking events instigated by university and high school students as well as some of the largest feminist mobilizations ever to take place in Chile.

The first article in this series described how the current Chilean feminist movement held the potential to revitalize the country’s diverse social struggles through transversal, multisectoral politics.

This strategy was exemplified by the Coordinadora 8 de Marzo (C8M), the feminist coalition which advanced under the slogan, “Against the Precaritization of Life!” in answer to the suffering generated by the neoliberal project in Chile and the pervasive threat of patriarchal violence.

see also …   Anarcha-Feminism! Lets annihalate Patriarchy !

C8M emerged from a movement rife with ideological conflict and harried by external threats.

After coordinating a massive mobilization on International Working Women’s Day 2018, they might have easily disbanded or collapsed under the pressure of internal divisions like the Coordinadora NiUnaMenos before them.

However, they were thrust into the driver’s seat of the movement when outrage peaked in the universities, eventually sparking feminist activity throughout the country. This rapid succession of events came to be called the Mayo Feminista (Feminist May) and marked C8M’s rise to prominence as the most representative body of the expanding movement.

As 2018 wore on, the wave of university occupations began to wane. However, the movement would soon be jolted back to life by the contagious energy of Argentina’s feminists who were making historic progress in their struggle for abortion rights. By July, Chilean feminists had donned their own green bandanas in imitation of their compañeras across the border. Consequently, Chile’s growing fascist movement launched its first counterattack. Meanwhile, the shifting political landscape compelled both grassroots and government forces to adapt to the new reality opened up by the student feminist wave.

Mayo Feminista

The feminist wave was carried forward by a surge of collective frustration with university leadership regarding the handling of sexual harassment complaints. While some student bodies had successfully pressured their universities into implementing protocols to resolve cases of abuse, the slow pace of bureaucracy and lack of will on the part of the administrations often led to disappointing results. Other schools had no protocols whatsoever and feminists had to start from zero.

Wherever the student movement had a foothold, this catalyzing issue was woven into the fabric of more established demands, such as the need for a non-sexist education (a disruptive demand raised in 2011 during the previous era of student mobilizations), institutional acceptance of queer and transgender students, and an educational experience free of sexual harassment and discrimination.

Student feminists drew strength and direction from these common demands, but also organized at the level of their departments or institutions to define their own political priorities and determine appropriate tactics.

In Chile, high schools and universities have been self-organized for decades, tracing back to the period before the dictatorship. Students are often knowledgeable about their institution’s unique heritage and take pride in passing political traditions on to the next generation. When necessary, they draw on their popular memory of struggle, using strikes, school occupations, and popular assemblies to exercise their power. The movement has evolved over time, eventually incorporating a series of feminist demands. However, the eruption of feminist strikes in 2018 demonstrated that change was not happening fast enough.

Students of the Universidad de Chile Law School demand the firing of Carlos Carmona, a
professor accused of sexual harassment. Credit: La Tercera

The first feminist occupation or toma took place in April 2018 at the Universidad Austral, located in the south of Chile. It was carried out in reaction to the mishandling of a disciplinary case against a professor accused of sexual harassment.

It was almost immediately followed by a second, more prominent toma at the law school of the Universidad de Chile (UCh). UCh, centrally located in Santiago, is one of the most prestigious universities in the country and is known as a hotbed of leftist political activity. A specifically feminist takeover was completely unprecedented; however, the student body was used to leaping into action and the feminist occupiers promptly transformed their school into an informal headquarters for the growing movement. In a matter of weeks, over a dozen university departments were occupied or otherwise paralyzed by strikes.

The Coordinadora Feministas en Lucha popularized a green bandana for the Chilean
movement for abortion rights. Credit: Moreen Ramos

School occupations are more than just a symbol of defiance or an act of civil disobedience. The interruption of “business as usual” serves as a check on institutional power and can force university administrations to find faster or more satisfying answers to student concerns. Furthermore, the occupied spaces become centers of self-managed educational, cultural, and political development. Students host and attend a wide variety of workshops and may even request specific trainings or political presentations from outside groups.

Run by popular assemblies, tomas give students the opportunity to form their own opinions and participate in direct democracy. In intense periods of struggle such as 2006 and 2011, school occupations were so common that they became a cultural touchstone for a whole generation. This has led some Chileans to develop a jaded perspective, viewing student resistance as little more than an excuse to get out of class. However, the feminist strike gave new dimension to these traditional tactics.

On May 11th, the public was shocked when a group of 127 female students from the Law School of Pontificia Universidad Católica (PUC) delivered a public letter condemning the sexist environment they had been forced to endure, including a list of misogynistic comments heard in classrooms.

The shock, however, came not from the content of this letter, but from its place of origin: PUC is a conservative, religious institution far more likely to be associated with gremialismo (a far-right ideology championed by Pinochet-advisor Jaime Guzmán) than feminism.

Even at the height of student resistance in 2011, PUC only experienced a single toma. Of note, this occupation was motivated by the demand to dismantle the Chilean Constitution of which Guzmán was the primary architect. It was carried out at PUC’s East Campus, the location of Guzmán’s assassination in 1991 at the hands of the Frente Patriótico Manuel Rodríguez.

La Casa Central of Universidad Catolica under feminist occupation. Credit: La Tercera

Everything changed on May 25th, when a group of feminist students occupied La Casa Central, the main building of the downtown campus. This historic event was marked with controversy, as the occupiers clashed with other students whose positions ranged from liberal feminist politics to outright fascism. These ideological conflicts largely played out in the media, but on the first night of the toma, students reported a brief confrontation between the occupiers and gremialistas. Both the unexpected nature of the feminist takeover at PUC and the subsequent right-wing backlash foreshadowed larger trends as the feminist wave continued to advance through the country.

High School Students Join the Struggle

There are several factors which distinguished the 2018 feminist wave from previous eras of student resistance, the most significant being that many of the popular assemblies voted in favor of “separatist” occupations, meaning that only women and sexual dissidents were welcome.

Even in spaces where men were tolerated, their leadership was not. This understandably produced some confusion for many male students who found themselves relegated to the back seat when it came to making political decisions for the student movement.

This dynamic was especially visible in the liceos emblematicos (emblematic high schools), the country’s most prestigious public schools whose mixed class character has produced a long tradition of leftist student resistance. The feminist wave forced the conversation on intra-movement sexism, threatening a separatist rupture if male students couldn’t adapt to the new political reality.

On May 15th, 200 students from the all-girls school Carmela Carvajal de Prat invaded and occupied the all-boys school Instituto Nacional in a landmark event. Using chairs and metal barriers as improvised stairs, the girls entered the campus at 12:15pm and established themselves in the building with barricades and feminist banners.

A few hours later, they were joined by a new contingent of 60 students from Javiera Carrera (another emblematic all-girls school) who initiated a solidarity protest outside. This headline-grabbing action marked a turning point for these student bodies, because for the first time, their fight wasn’t exclusively against the school administrations.

“Inequality is more violent than any protest.” Students from the emblematic all-girls school Continue reading “Between the Feminist Wave and the Green Anti Capitalist Sea”