An Israeli military court has extended the detention of Ahed Tamimi, a 16-year-old girl who has become the face of Palestinian resistance to Israel’s military occupation of the West Bank for many who follow the weekly protests in her village through social media.Ahed was arrested in an overnight raid of her family’s home in the village of Nabi Saleh last Monday.
Citizen security and family protection are two areas where the patriarchal state works to “repress and discipline” the bodies that are seen as non-normative
The report is low in the feminist perspective to understand the phenomenon of repression exerted by the State. With this starting point, it addresses the psychosocial impacts and underlines the importance of putting care in the center as a mechanism of repair and support driven from the gender perspective.
At the same time, the impact of state repression on women and feminist movements is analyzed, and it analyzes whether the punitive system acts differently depending on gender or sexual orientation in protest contexts and in the face of social movements.Citizen security (public domain) and the protection of the family (private area) are two areas where the patriarchal state works to “repress and discipline” the bodies that are read as non-normative.
Women have experienced various offenses against their bodies, either from the attempts to impose legislation that violates their sexual and reproductive rights – such as the “Counter-Counter Gallardon” of abortion – or directly, suffering from violence when they occupy and politicize public spaces.
The report also highlights how the expansion of the criminal system in Spanish territory has been parallel to the restriction of welfare policies. These cuts suffer more, again, women. In view of all this, the authors argue that a logic of feminist analysis opens the door to rethink how to deal with the actions of the criminal system. “While for men there are socially accepted models of transgression, which can even be seen as an emblem of masculinity, for women the transgression is transformed into stigma and rejection.
This causes dissent to be more easily assumed by men, as they are more compatible with social and family roles that require less obligations, “concludes the document. Before that, however, they now identify a flight of the “figure of the hero” and the images of heroicity and victimism.
When repression arrives, there is also a phenomenon of feminization of the response. When time goes by and the repressive process continues, with people pending trial or imprisonment, for example, those who remain within the anti-prescription and support groups are women. This, for the authors of the report, implies that in the end it ends up giving more importance to the care in these environments.
A space is allowed to express everything that the “message of heroicity” does not allow: fears, pains, shortcomings or insecurities. Also, the effects of repressive violence that do not always arise at the first moments, such as depression, anxiety, less frequent psychotic disorders … All in all, consequencesof post-traumatic stress disorder. This means that, from experience, a logic of prevention, care and co-responsibility has begun: preparation before the repression arrives to have more room for action and the ability to receive the violence. Sexual repression On October 1, between various songs, there was “without the girls, there is no revolution.”
These screams resounded while the police forces of the National Police Force (CNP) and the Civil Guard entered their constituencies to prevent voting during the Catalan referendum. During the day, repression became universalized and jumped from the creation of the “internal enemy” on a small scale to extrapolate it to the entire Catalan population mobilized in defense of the referendum. In this context, the report indicates that it is he produced “again the body of the woman to mean the masculine dominion”.
On October 1 there were cases of “sexuada repression”, in which the woman’s body is a receptacle of punitive mechanisms that want to redirect and highlight what must correspond to femininity, one band, and that at the same time uses violence that expresses the message of the domination of men. This is the case, for example, of the aggressions by which Marta Torrecillas filed a complaint.
The report indicates that “once again the body of women” became “to mean male dominance.” On October 1 there were cases of “sexuada repression” On October 25, Torrecillas denounced the sexual violence that was submitted by the CNP to the IES Pau Claris – recorded on video and that ran for the Nets. Torrecillas accuses them of twisting their fingers, touching the breasts and throwing her dow the stairs.
Many women, to a lesser or greater extent, suffered this police violence at first hand, also elderly women. The authors of the report, at the same time, study how sexual repression is exercised from patriarchy against men to impose their patriarchal domain.
For example, they analyze the sexual violence used by the police forces in the French State against a young person in Paris: on February 1, 2017, in a “routine” drug control in the neighborhood Aulnay-sous-Bois, four agents of the French police arrested some guys to ask for their documentation.
Théo, aged 22, suffered aggression when the agents were searching his anus, aggressions from which he had to be operated on in the hospital’s emergency department. In response to this police violence, there were disturbances in this peripheral zone of the French capital for several nights.
A similar strategy, although with much lower intensity, is anmalysed in the conversation between police, fortuitously recorded during the transfer of Oriol Junqueras to the prison center of Estremera. The agents mocked the possibility that the vice president of the Generalitat could suffer rape in prison.All the repressive logic of sexual violence was reproduced, in this case, as a tool by men in a situation of domination against a man in a situation of vulnerability.
The report, by Novact and Defend Who Defends, allows us a first approach to analysing the relationship between state, patriarchy and repression.
Novact i la plataforma Defender a Quien Defiende publiquen un informe que analitza des de la perspectiva de gènere el fenomen de les repressions. El document evidencia com poder punitiu i patriarcal es cohesionen per preservar l’ordre social
Imatge de la repressió davant d’una seu electoral a Sabadell el dia 1 d’octubre
Novact i la plataforma Defender a Quien Defiende publiquen un informe que analitza des de la perspectiva de gènere el fenomen de les repressions. El document evidencia com poder punitiu i patriarcal es cohesionen per preservar l’ordre social
Que l’Estat té mecanismes repressius per frenar la dissidència i controlar la població és quelcom àmpliament conegut entre els moviments socials i l’activisme. Casos com Pandora o Piñata, el cas 4-F, l’empresonament d’Alfon, entre molts altres, han comportat l’activació dels aparells policials, polítics i judicials en la creació d’un discurs que construeix un “enemic intern”, com l’antisistema o el perroflauta.
El que encara no és tan visible és com el patriarcat i les eines estatals de control social estan entortolligades. Per evidenciar-ho, des de Novact i amb el suport d’entitats i col·lectiu membres de la plataforma Defender a Quien Defiende– com Centre Irídia, Calala i Stop Represión Granada, entre altres- han elaborat un informe sobre la relació entre repressió i gènere, que aquest dijous 16 de novembre s’ha presentat a la Universitat de Barcelona.
“des de Novact i amb el recolzament d’entitats i col·lectius membres de la plataforma Defender a Quien Defiende, com Centre Irídia, Clala i Stop Represión Granada, entre altres.”
Com diu en el pròleg la professora de filosofia del dret Encarna Bodelón, “la lluita contra els patriarcats ha estat també la història de múltiples repressions”, individuals o col·lectives. Les dones autores de l’informe han fet una panoràmica de les mobilitzacions socials i feministes per estudiar com es legitima la repressió a través de la idea de “seguretat ciutadana”. Per a elles, “el sistema de gènere i la ideologia neoliberal dominant a l’Estat són dues estructures de caràcter mútuament constitutiu” i com a tal, han d’examinar-se juntes.
La seguretat ciutadana i la protecció de la família són dos àmbits en què l’estat patriarcal treballa per “reprimir i disciplinar” els cossos que són llegits com a no normatius
L’informe es bassa en l’òptica feminista per a comprendre el fenomen de la repressió exercida per l’Estat. Amb aquest punt de partida, atén els impactes psicosocials i subratlla la importància de posar en el centre les cures com a mecanisme de reparació i acompanyament impulsat des de la visió de gènere.
Alhora, radiografia l’impacte de la repressió estatal envers les dones i els moviments feministes, i analitza si el sistema punitiu actua de manera diferent en funció del gènere o les orientacions sexuals en els contextos de protesta i enfront dels moviments socials./ Pau Fabregat
Davant de tot això, les autores defensen que una lògica d’anàlisi feminista obre les portes a repensar com fer front a les actuacions del sistema penal. “Mentre que per als homes hi ha models socialment acceptats de transgressió, que fins es poden lluir com a emblema de masculinitat, per a les dones la transgressió es transforma en estigma i rebuig.
Això fa que les dissidències puguin ser més fàcilment assumides pels homes, ja que a més resulten més compatibles amb uns rols socials i familiars que requereixen menys obligacions”, conclou el document. Davant d’això, però, identifiquen avui dia una fugida de la “figura de l’heroi” i de les imatges d’heroïcitat i victimisme.
Quan arriba la repressió, també es produeix un fenomen de feminització de la resposta. Quan el temps passa i el procés repressiu continua, amb persones pendents de judici o empresonades, per exemple, qui es manté a dins dels grups antirepressius i de suport són les dones. Això, per a les autores de l’informe, implica que al final s’acabi donant més importància a les cures en aquests entorns.S’habilita un espai per expressar tot allò que el “missatge de l’heroïcitat” no permet: pors, dolors, mancances o inseguretats. També els efectes de la violència repressiva que no sempre afloren als primers moments, com ara depressió, ansietat, trastorns psicòtics amb menys freqüència… Tot plegat, conseqüències del trastorn d’estrès post- traumàtic. Això fa que, des de l’experiència, es comenci a instaurar una lògica de la prevenció, de la cura i de corresponsabilitzar: preparar-se abans que arribi la repressió per tenir més marge d’actuació i capacitat per rebre el cop.
La repressió sexuada
L’1 d’octubre, entre diversos càntics, hi havia el de “sense les iaies, no hi ha revolució”. Aquests crits ressonaven mentre les forces policials del Cos Nacional de Policia (CNP) i de la Guàrdia Civil entraven a les seus electorals per impedir les votacions durant el referèndum català. Durant la jornada, la repressió es va universalitzar i va saltar de la creació de “l’enemic intern” a petita escala a extrapolar-lo a tota la població catalana mobilitzada en defensa del referèndum.En aquest context, l’informe assenyala que es va produir “altra vegada el cos de la dona per significar el domini masculí”. L’1 d’octubre es va haver-hi casos de “repressió sexuada”, aquella en què el cos de la dona és receptacle d’uns mecanismes punitius que volen reconduir i remarcar el que ha de correspondre a la feminitat, d’una banda, i que alhora empra unes violències que cosifiquen i expressen el missatge de la dominació dels homes. És el cas, per exemple, de les agressions per les quals Marta Torrecillas va presentar una querella.
El 25 d’octubre, Torrecillas va denunciar la violència sexual a què va ser sotmesa pel CNP a l’IES Pau Claris – gravada en vídeo i que va córrer per les xarxes. Torrecillas els acusa de torçar-li els dits, tocar- li els pits i llançar-la per les escales. Moltes dones, a menor o major mesura, van patir aquesta violència policial de primera mà, també dones grans.Les autores de l’informe, alhora, estudien com la repressió sexuada s’exerceix des del patriarcat contra els homes per arrabassar-los el domini patriarcal. Per exemple, analitzen la violència sexual emprada pels cossos policials a l’Estat francès contra un jove a París: l’1 de febrer del 2017, en un “rutinari” control de drogues al veïnat Aulnay-sous- Bois, quatre agents de la policia francesa van aturar uns nois per demanar-los la documentació.
Théo, de 22 anys, va ser agredit quan els agents van “introduir una porra per l’anus, agressions fruit de les quals va haver de ser operat a l’hospital d’urgència”. Com a resposta davant d’aquesta violència policial, hi va haver disturbis en aquesta zona perifèrica de la capital francesa durant diverses nits.
Una estratègia similar, tot i que de molt més baixa intensitat, es troba en la conversa entre policies, gravada fortuïtament durant el trasllat d’Oriol Junqueras al centre penitenciari d’Estremera. Els agents feien mofa de la possibilitat de què el vicepresident de la Generalitat patís una violació a presó.
Es reproduïa tota la lògica repressiva de la violència sexuada, en aquest cas, com una eina d’homes en situació de dominació contra homes en situació de vulnerabilitat. Per tant, l’informe, impulsat per Novact i Defender a Quien Defiende, permet fer una primera aproximació a l’abast de la relació entre estat, patriarcat i repressió.
Translated and edited from Sosyal Savas with additional edits from the Black Rose/Rosa Negra Social Media Team.
Anarchist activist İshak Tayak has been arrested and accused of being a member of the Islamic, pro-capitalist Gülen movement linked to the 2016 failed coup attempt. In the pre-dawn hours of October 2, special ops police raided his Istanbul home, where they beat him before taking him into custody. İshak, a Kurdish self-identified anarchist and atheist, was later charged with downloading a messaging app used by the movement called Bylock in 2014.
Charges denied, lack of evidence
Ishak denies the charges, as well as any ties with the Gülenists, and allegedly, the state has yet to present substantial evidence supporting its claims.
“I am an anarchist, an atheist, a person who defends the rights of nature, people, and animals,” Ishak said in a statement. Under the state of emergency, he says the rule of law has been suspended and any semblance of justice discarded: “I’m being tried as a Gülenist—despite the fact that I’m an anarchist and have no connections [to this or any organization].”
Istanbul Anti-Fraud Division branch members detained 15 people in the operation for ByLock users, including Ishak Tayak, who was in the group called “Anarchists”.The evening newspaper, the government said, alleged that Tayak had downloaded ByLock over his own line.
The Turkish state accuses the Gülenists, led by the US-based Muslim cleric Fetullah Gülen, of orchestrating a July 15, 2016 coup attempt and considers it a terrorist organization. In the months after the coup, the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) has aggressively attempted to link dissidents—left and right—to the Gülenists, an effort to both consolidate its power and justify heavy repression of the opposition. Over 50,000 people have been jailed in post-coup purges.Continue reading Turkey holds anarchist İshak Tayak on false charges→
This Monday, December 18, after he was discharged from the hospital at Korydallos Prison, Nikos Maziotis was transferred to Unit 5 and is no longer under special detention / isolation regime. Therefore since our demands regarding our imprisonment have been met, Pola Roupa has terminated the hunger strike and will stay for a few days in the Korydallos Prison hospital to recuperate.
translated fromLa Directa https://directa.cat/ The Spanish National Court has condemned the twelve rappers of the group La Insurgencia to two years and a day of jail each, accused of the crimes of ‘supporting terrorism’ in their lyrics, a sentence that automatically gives jail time. The High Court also condemned them to pay fines of 4,800 euros and nine years of absolute disqualification from public jobs.
During the trial, the Prosecutor’s Office argued that the songs of La Insurgencia “advocate a violent method to combat a system that [the accused] consider unfair”“Now it’s time to appeal to the Supreme Court,” said Saúl Zaitsev, one of the condemned members of La Insurgencia. But this will take years and meanwhile 12 people have their lives destroyed because some government members don’t like their lyrics. And of course many other artists will take note and self censor their work.
The two imprisoned comrades are fighting against isolation measures; against specific provisions of the new correctional code aimed at repressing them as high-security prisoners; against the proposed detention of high-security prisoners in police stations; against the intended reinstatement of the type C prison regime. They also demand an immediate end of the solitary confinement imposed on Nikos Maziotis (since July, the comrade is kept isolated from other prisoners by a decision of the justice ministry); an extension of visiting hours based on the frequency of visits a prisoner has; appropriate visitation rooms for incarcerated parents to meet with their children.
Note from Vetriolo: Alfredo wrote this text of salutation for the number zero edition of Vetriolo, in November-December 2016. This letter, as is well known, was blocked by the prison censorship. Now we can publish it. We recall that in recent months the censorship has increased a lot, a tightening vise obviously ordered by the Prosecutor Sparagna, and not just the simple zeal of the prison guards. Apparently there are definite orders about what can and cannot be sent or received (Vetriolo, for example, was not received by anybody) [comrades imprisoned for Operation Scripta Manent]. To protest the censorship,
Alfredo went on a hunger strike from May 3 to 13.
Break the isolation!
With charges that could lead to 30 years of prison time hanging over my head like a sword of Damocles, the need to communicate projects and reflections may seem absurd. Under the influence of censorship, which modifies all that I write and say, the fact
that I am continuing imperturbably to communicate and write reflections that inevitably lend themselves to repression, may seem stupid and insane. It is stupidity and madness that I cannot do without, to feel alive and active.
One choice, back against the wall: continue the fight. Continue with all means at my disposal.
The inspiration for writing this article was given to me by the inquisitor Sparagna, who during his ‘monologue-interrogation’, maintained, with barely concealed embarrassment, that he would have broken us [the 22 comrades under investigation from Operation Scripta Manent] by isolation, thanks to the ‘scorched earth’ that the anarchist movement would have made around us in Italy. Is it possible that the anarchist movement has fallen so low in Italy, feeling no empathy for comrades who have fallen
into the net of repression, even to consider us as a foreign body?
The truth cannot be found in the instrumental and insane ‘logic’ of a Prosecutor from Turin. The truth is hidden in the folds, in the different expressions of solidarity that have been addressed to us, in the opportunity that can be given to us, even by a wave of repression like this one.
To demonstrate this, there have been many actions of solidarity with us, all over the world; there are a few, but significant communiques of solidarity that have reached us. At first glance, these communiques seem to be the usual facade of solidarity, but in reality they take on a great importance to me.
Perhaps, because of their origins, comrades with different projects between them but who, despite everything, felt moved inside themselves. Perhaps because all these comrades participate one way or another in this anarchism of praxis that keep alive, vivacious and reactive anarchy in this world. For these reasons and many more, these words of solidarity are not small things and can become an opportunity, especially it they manage to go beyond the repression.
The opportunity that presents itself to us is the real possibility that routes that are different, but are all determined and aggressive, may, at times, intersect. It’s not for nothing that power tends to separate anarchists between good and bad.
And there Vetriolo comes in. I cannot help myself. When realism and logic tell me to shut up and wait, I rise. Vetriolo, an anarchist periodical of a deepness where one can confront in a clear and fair way, without false pretences, different positions and ideas: ‘social’ and ‘antisocial’, ‘organizing’ and ‘anti-organizing’ attitudes, partisans of anonymity or not.
I am convinced that until some knots are undone, we will continue to be tangled. I am not interested in the sterile, mathematical, quantitative unity; but in the real possibility
that comrades with different perspectives can collaborate without reciprocal conditioning, without yielding anything and without distorting their own projectuality.
It’s a simple question of method. In my head I have a thousand questions and some answers to which a journal of theoretical deepening like Vetriolo should face. Like all of those who try and put into practice what they say, I have many more doubts than certainties.
On a theoretical sphere, new suggestions could come out of confrontations between different ideas, offering us more possibilities and instruments.
Affinity groups, individual actions, organizations. Simple techniques to use according to the opportunities that are presented in turn, or something deeper to put into practice
according ones own predispositions of character and their individual aspirations?
Simple techniques, to use coldly, with calculation and determination according to the social situation, to trigger a revolutionary process that will turn us into revolutionaries, projecting ourselves into the future?
Or are these existential choices that are invested by our deepest being and make us live our own anarchy now, right now, in a continual confrontation with the existing?
Affinity groups, individual actions, organizations. Techniques, instruments, weapons to strike, each of them has defects and qualities. The only ‘unit of measure’ that we have, to know how we can act in the way most suitable for us, is the natural disposition that each individual carries within themselves.
It is an ‘exchange’ between the freedom we lose and the new possibilities we obtain. For some, limiting their freedom (by giving themselves rules) in exchange for a stronger impact may be worth it, for others not. It is also a character element, the factors are numerous, and all touch our freedom, our sensitivity.
The hatred we feel for the system is sometimes so strong that it can make us lose our supposed freedoms in exchange for greater virulence, greater strength and greater capacity. The important thing to know is that organizations, individual actions and affinity groups are all an equal part of those ‘instruments’ that anarchists have always used throughout history. It is ridiculous to cry scandal if an anarchist chooses to use an organization as an instrument for themselves, be it ‘informal’ or ‘specific’, it is useless to be indignant, everyone makes their own choices.
The problem, in my opinion, is quite different: how to succeed in ‘communicating’, at given moments, between comrades who do not know each other, who have different ways of acting, without negating each other, without stepping on each other, without the hegemonic coordination and superstructures that pass over organizations, individuals and affinity groups without ever coming into contact with each other.
But who must join forces by giving themselves common temporalities of action. I believe that this is the real challenge that lies ahead, the main knot to undo.