Between the Feminist Wave and the Green Anti Capitalist Sea

A Feminist Movement to End Capitalism  Part II:

Black Rose/Rosa Negra is a proud feminist organization. We take our political inspiration from the historical struggles of working class women, including those who carried out their work in the name of other movements or ideologies. While we value the feminisms that can be found in our own neighborhoods and workplaces, we also seek to learn all lessons possible from the parts of the world where feminism is ascendant. Our international partnerships have resulted in a strong Latin American perspective in our writing and ideological perspectives – something we find appropriate for an organization based in the Americas. We are excited to present the second in a two part series by Bree Busk looking at anti-capitalist feminism in South America with a wealth of concepts and analysis that we can draw from in the U.S.

See Part I for a glossary of terms used.


Between the Feminist Wave and the Green Sea: from Argentina to Chile

By Bree Busk

The student feminist wave of 2018 struck so suddenly and spread so quickly that its impact resonated far beyond Chile’s national borders. Like the student movement that rocked the country 7 years earlier, feminism forced its way into the public consciousness, changing the course of the country’s many social movements as well as government policy. This was accomplished through a series of groundbreaking events instigated by university and high school students as well as some of the largest feminist mobilizations ever to take place in Chile.

The first article in this series described how the current Chilean feminist movement held the potential to revitalize the country’s diverse social struggles through transversal, multisectoral politics.

This strategy was exemplified by the Coordinadora 8 de Marzo (C8M), the feminist coalition which advanced under the slogan, “Against the Precaritization of Life!” in answer to the suffering generated by the neoliberal project in Chile and the pervasive threat of patriarchal violence.

see also …   Anarcha-Feminism! Lets annihalate Patriarchy !

C8M emerged from a movement rife with ideological conflict and harried by external threats.

After coordinating a massive mobilization on International Working Women’s Day 2018, they might have easily disbanded or collapsed under the pressure of internal divisions like the Coordinadora NiUnaMenos before them.

However, they were thrust into the driver’s seat of the movement when outrage peaked in the universities, eventually sparking feminist activity throughout the country. This rapid succession of events came to be called the Mayo Feminista (Feminist May) and marked C8M’s rise to prominence as the most representative body of the expanding movement.

As 2018 wore on, the wave of university occupations began to wane. However, the movement would soon be jolted back to life by the contagious energy of Argentina’s feminists who were making historic progress in their struggle for abortion rights. By July, Chilean feminists had donned their own green bandanas in imitation of their compañeras across the border. Consequently, Chile’s growing fascist movement launched its first counterattack. Meanwhile, the shifting political landscape compelled both grassroots and government forces to adapt to the new reality opened up by the student feminist wave.

Mayo Feminista

The feminist wave was carried forward by a surge of collective frustration with university leadership regarding the handling of sexual harassment complaints. While some student bodies had successfully pressured their universities into implementing protocols to resolve cases of abuse, the slow pace of bureaucracy and lack of will on the part of the administrations often led to disappointing results. Other schools had no protocols whatsoever and feminists had to start from zero.

Wherever the student movement had a foothold, this catalyzing issue was woven into the fabric of more established demands, such as the need for a non-sexist education (a disruptive demand raised in 2011 during the previous era of student mobilizations), institutional acceptance of queer and transgender students, and an educational experience free of sexual harassment and discrimination.

Student feminists drew strength and direction from these common demands, but also organized at the level of their departments or institutions to define their own political priorities and determine appropriate tactics.

In Chile, high schools and universities have been self-organized for decades, tracing back to the period before the dictatorship. Students are often knowledgeable about their institution’s unique heritage and take pride in passing political traditions on to the next generation. When necessary, they draw on their popular memory of struggle, using strikes, school occupations, and popular assemblies to exercise their power. The movement has evolved over time, eventually incorporating a series of feminist demands. However, the eruption of feminist strikes in 2018 demonstrated that change was not happening fast enough.

Students of the Universidad de Chile Law School demand the firing of Carlos Carmona, a
professor accused of sexual harassment. Credit: La Tercera

The first feminist occupation or toma took place in April 2018 at the Universidad Austral, located in the south of Chile. It was carried out in reaction to the mishandling of a disciplinary case against a professor accused of sexual harassment.

It was almost immediately followed by a second, more prominent toma at the law school of the Universidad de Chile (UCh). UCh, centrally located in Santiago, is one of the most prestigious universities in the country and is known as a hotbed of leftist political activity. A specifically feminist takeover was completely unprecedented; however, the student body was used to leaping into action and the feminist occupiers promptly transformed their school into an informal headquarters for the growing movement. In a matter of weeks, over a dozen university departments were occupied or otherwise paralyzed by strikes.

The Coordinadora Feministas en Lucha popularized a green bandana for the Chilean
movement for abortion rights. Credit: Moreen Ramos

School occupations are more than just a symbol of defiance or an act of civil disobedience. The interruption of “business as usual” serves as a check on institutional power and can force university administrations to find faster or more satisfying answers to student concerns. Furthermore, the occupied spaces become centers of self-managed educational, cultural, and political development. Students host and attend a wide variety of workshops and may even request specific trainings or political presentations from outside groups.

Run by popular assemblies, tomas give students the opportunity to form their own opinions and participate in direct democracy. In intense periods of struggle such as 2006 and 2011, school occupations were so common that they became a cultural touchstone for a whole generation. This has led some Chileans to develop a jaded perspective, viewing student resistance as little more than an excuse to get out of class. However, the feminist strike gave new dimension to these traditional tactics.

On May 11th, the public was shocked when a group of 127 female students from the Law School of Pontificia Universidad Católica (PUC) delivered a public letter condemning the sexist environment they had been forced to endure, including a list of misogynistic comments heard in classrooms.

The shock, however, came not from the content of this letter, but from its place of origin: PUC is a conservative, religious institution far more likely to be associated with gremialismo (a far-right ideology championed by Pinochet-advisor Jaime Guzmán) than feminism.

Even at the height of student resistance in 2011, PUC only experienced a single toma. Of note, this occupation was motivated by the demand to dismantle the Chilean Constitution of which Guzmán was the primary architect. It was carried out at PUC’s East Campus, the location of Guzmán’s assassination in 1991 at the hands of the Frente Patriótico Manuel Rodríguez.

La Casa Central of Universidad Catolica under feminist occupation. Credit: La Tercera

Everything changed on May 25th, when a group of feminist students occupied La Casa Central, the main building of the downtown campus. This historic event was marked with controversy, as the occupiers clashed with other students whose positions ranged from liberal feminist politics to outright fascism. These ideological conflicts largely played out in the media, but on the first night of the toma, students reported a brief confrontation between the occupiers and gremialistas. Both the unexpected nature of the feminist takeover at PUC and the subsequent right-wing backlash foreshadowed larger trends as the feminist wave continued to advance through the country.

High School Students Join the Struggle

There are several factors which distinguished the 2018 feminist wave from previous eras of student resistance, the most significant being that many of the popular assemblies voted in favor of “separatist” occupations, meaning that only women and sexual dissidents were welcome.

Even in spaces where men were tolerated, their leadership was not. This understandably produced some confusion for many male students who found themselves relegated to the back seat when it came to making political decisions for the student movement.

This dynamic was especially visible in the liceos emblematicos (emblematic high schools), the country’s most prestigious public schools whose mixed class character has produced a long tradition of leftist student resistance. The feminist wave forced the conversation on intra-movement sexism, threatening a separatist rupture if male students couldn’t adapt to the new political reality.

On May 15th, 200 students from the all-girls school Carmela Carvajal de Prat invaded and occupied the all-boys school Instituto Nacional in a landmark event. Using chairs and metal barriers as improvised stairs, the girls entered the campus at 12:15pm and established themselves in the building with barricades and feminist banners.

A few hours later, they were joined by a new contingent of 60 students from Javiera Carrera (another emblematic all-girls school) who initiated a solidarity protest outside. This headline-grabbing action marked a turning point for these student bodies, because for the first time, their fight wasn’t exclusively against the school administrations.

“Inequality is more violent than any protest.” Students from the emblematic all-girls school Continue reading “Between the Feminist Wave and the Green Anti Capitalist Sea”

Free Women – Mujeres Libres..The Anarcha-feminists Franco failed to exterminate

translated from Mujeres Libres, las anarcofeministas … (illustrations added)

The Marienea de Basauri Center (Bizkaia) has hosting an exhibition on the struggle of the historic anarchist women’s movement

“Mujeres Libres (1936-1939). Precursors of a new world “

women strike 19361936 piquete de trabajadoras durante la huelga mercantil en barcelona

In the end of summer, 2018,  the face of Sánchez Saornil was part of an exhibition that opened in the Marienea de Basauri center (C / Kareaga Goikoa, 54), a few kilometers from Bilbao. Related image

Her profile appears in one of the rooms of the Marienea center that hosted the exhibition

“Mujeres Libres (1936-1939). Precursors of a new world “, organized by the Anselmo Lorenzo Libertarian Studies Foundation (FAL), the CNT union and the Emakume Askeak group from Bilbao. Continue reading “Free Women – Mujeres Libres..The Anarcha-feminists Franco failed to exterminate”

12th Dublin Anarchist Bookfair – 14th and 15th September 2018

12th Dublin Anarchist Bookfair – 14th & 15th September 2018 – Teachers Club 35 Parnell sq & Wynns

The 12th Dublin Anarchist Bookfair takes place on the 15th September 2018 at the Teachers Club 35 Parnell square and on the evening ofthe 14th at Wynns hotel.

Every year hundreds of people attend the Dublin Anarchist Bookfair for a day of inspiring discussions and the opportunity of meeting lots of other radicals, browsing books and meeting campaigns.

With few days to go we are finalising the details. Continue reading “12th Dublin Anarchist Bookfair – 14th and 15th September 2018”

8th March..First Ever Feminist General Strike called in Spain

Its a Feminist women’s strike. In order to give it legal coverage it had to be officially registered by a Trade Union, in this case the anarchist CGT. But it’s not legal to call a Women’s Strike in Spain, so they went one further and registered it as the first feminist General Strike. Legal and official.

CGT women officially registered the Feminist General Strike 

Why is the feminist strike on March 8 different from all the others?

The mobilizations and the strike for International Women’s Day are called in more than 150 countries for a more just and egalitarian society. This is just one of the data that makes this call unique. la página web de la Comisión 8M.

On March 8, International Women’s Day, a new, unprecedented strike was called for, a women’s strike, which shouts to want them “free, alive, feminist, combative and rebellious”. Thus, a call is made to support the stoppages, for all women who can and for all women who do not. But do you know what this feminist strike means and why it is not like the others?

Continue reading “8th March..First Ever Feminist General Strike called in Spain”

Anarcha-Feminism.. by Flick Ruby..’real anarchists are always feminist’


For too long anarcha feminists have been labeled as the ladies auxiliary of male bomb throwers. The misconception and manipulation of both feminists and anarchist principles and practice have resulted in the use of sensationalist and ridiculing tactics by the state and its spokespeople.

This has not only polarised the general populace from potentially liberation concepts but has also polarised anarchist from feminists. In the past and more so recently there has been a uniting of these beliefs and Peggy Kornegger’s book; ‘Anarchism; the Feminist Connection’ goes so far as to say that the two genres of thought are inextricably tied although the connection has not been consciously articulated by feminists very often.

Read Download click  here..  Anarchism: The Feminist Connection. by Peggy Kornegger  

Kornegger argues that feminism “emphasis on the small group as a basic organisational unit, on the personal and political, on anti- authoritarianism and on spontaneous direct action was essentially anarchism.

I believe that this puts women in a unique position of being the bearers of a subsurface anarchist consciousness which if articulated and concretised can take us further than any previous group toward the achievement of total revolution.Image result for anarchist feminist

While anarchism has provided a framework for the transformation required, for far too long even this revolutionary ideology has been largely male identified; male articulated, male targeted and male exclusive in both its language and participation.It has therefore been unfortunately lacking in vital analysis especially with regard to the psychological and physical realities of oppression experienced by the majority of the human population: women. Continue reading “Anarcha-Feminism.. by Flick Ruby..’real anarchists are always feminist’”

10 differences between Anarcha-Feminists and Bourgeois Feminists

Feminism: 10 differences between the bourgeois and the anarchist.

by  noticias y anarquia shared with thanks   translation TheFreeOnlinedariung-feminists1- The bourgeois feminists seek the protection of women through the coercive apparatuses of the State. Libertarian feminists advocate self-advocacy for women in community.anarcha feminist transformation

2 – bourgeois feminism wants every woman to compete on ‘equal opportunities’ and be rewarded according to their individual merits. On the contrary, anarcha-feminists struggle so that each individual develops in solidarity in equality and that each one is satisfied according to her/his needs.mujeres kurdas..jpg

3 – The bourgeois feminists desire the incorporation of women in positions of power, in the parliament and the armies; In the upper management of capitalist enterprises and in government executives. Anarchist feminists want the abolition of hierarchical institutions. That is why they declare themselves anti-statists, anti-militarists and critical of parliamentarism.cropped-fab1 Continue reading “10 differences between Anarcha-Feminists and Bourgeois Feminists”

VICTORY for REBEL PUSSY PARADES.. Cases Dismissed

Sevilla's Rebel Pussy Parade...case Dismissed!
Sevilla’s Rebel Pussy Parade…  ! Coño insumiso de Sevilla. Foto de Aurora León
  ‘..We dressed up and paraded, accompanied by a Rebellious Pussy through the streets of Seville on May 1st, 2014, as a metaphor of what we DON’T want to be: submissive trapped women..

Next thing  the feminists were charged with a crime of incitement to discrimination, hatred and violence for reasons related to religion, for parading their giant pussy with the CGT anarchist union on the workers demo.  (full report here English/Spanish) .

Sevilla Feminists
Sevilla Feminists
 In Spain the custom is to carry effegies of the Blessed Virgin, especially in Andalusia,  solemnly round the barrios demonstrating Catholic power.
Carrying a gigantic pussy instead is seen as sacrilege by the far right
Association of Christian Lawyers who demanded up to 4 years prison plus fines, and have taken a whole series of cases against collectives promoting sexual freedom, workers rights, Basque autonomy, etc..

The CGT supported the rebel pussy with legal help and their own pussy parade, and various feminist movements have followe suit,  see photos

Devil forgiven..at CGT anarchist support demo for accused in Rebel Vagina Parade, Sevilla.2016
Devil forgiven?..at CGT anarchist support demo for accused in Rebel Vagina Parade, Sevilla.2016 Continue reading “VICTORY for REBEL PUSSY PARADES.. Cases Dismissed”