Millions of us could die and a worldwide mega recession could ensue if the rogue US war state blocks all Irani oil exports from May 2nd 2019.
Iran Threatens To Close Strait Of Hormuz If US Blocks Its Oil Exports
With oil surging to a six month high after a now confirmed report that Trump will not reissue Iranian oil export waivers after they expire on May 2, removing up to 1 million barrels from the market…
… Tehran has gone on the offensive and on Monday a senior Iranian military official said the Islamic Republic will close the Strait of Hormuz if it’s prevented from using it, the state-run Fars news agency reported.
A new website has been launched which challenges “to the core” the thinking of the industrial capitalist system. It presents the ideological alternative of an organic radicalism which it sources from a wide range of thinkers, past and present.
This philosophy, explains the orgrad site, is based on the idea of a living community, a social organism consisting of “horizontal relationships and exchanges between free human beings, rather than on sterile hierarchy”.
We at The Acorn very much identify with this tradition – hence the change in our masthead! Below we reproduce the article on Judi Bari, one of dozens of profiles of key orgrad inspirations on the site.
Climate groups applauded HSBC’s announcement that it is moving away from fossil fuels. (Photo: ItzaFineDay/flickr/cc)
In another signal that “the era of fossil fuels is coming to a close,” Europe’s biggest bank, HSBC, announced Friday that it will no longer fund oil or gas projects in the Arctic, tar sands projects, or most coal projects.
The move was cheered by climate campaigners on social media, who said, “This is huge,” and called it “incredible news.”
According to Daniel Klier, group head of strategy and global head of sustainable finance at the financial giant, the bank recognizes “the need to reduce emissions rapidly to achieve the target set in the 2015 Paris Agreement to limit global temperatures rises to well below 2°C and our responsibility to support the communities in which we operate.”The changes are laid out in HSBC’s updated energy policy, which says it will no longer provide financial services for
a) New coal-fired power plant projects, subject to very targeted exceptions of Bangladesh, Indonesia and Vietnam in order to appropriately balance local humanitarian needs with the need to transition to a low carbon economy. Consideration of any such exception is subject to: (i) independent analysis confirming the country has no reasonable alternative to coal; (ii) the plant’s carbon intensity being lower than 810g CO2/kWh; and (iii) financial close on the project being achieved by 31 December 2023
(HSBC finances new coal-fired power plants inBangladesh, Vietnam and Indonesia. All three countries are on the front line of climate change and have significant renewable energy potential, a crucial tool to sustainable poverty eradication.)
b) New offshore oil or gas projects in the Arctic
c) New greenfield oil sands projects
d) New large dams for hydro-electric projects inconsistent with the World Commission on Dams Framework
e) New nuclear projects inconsistent with the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) standards
The announcement, said Kelly Martin, director of Sierra Club’s Beyond Dirty Fuels Campaign, “is an important step forward for Europe’s largest bank, and yet another signal to Donald Trump and the rest of the world that, despite their worst laid plans, the era of fossil fuels is coming to a close. There is no future in Arctic fossil fuel operations. There is no future in tar sands. And there is no future in coal.” Continue reading “Victory: HSBC Climate Criminals vow to Ditch Fossil Fuels”
29 April 2019
00:00 (UTC +01:00) where Worldwide
hosted by Extinction Rebellion
Our leaders have failed us. This twisted system is killing us. It has us headed for extinction.
It’s time to rebel.
From April 15th we are calling for a full-scale Rebellion to demand decisive action from governments on climate change and ecological collapse.
Join us as we engage in acts of non-violent civil disobedience against governments in capital cities around the world. This is not a one-off march – we will keep going for as long as we have to, shutting down cities day after day until our demands are met.
Independent XR groups, allies and protestors will take to the streets. A small number of brave Conscientious Protectors, activists from XR affinity groups prepared to lose their liberty for this cause, will commit acts of peaceful civil disobedience to disrupt the business-as-usual which is sending our species on a one-way track to extinction.
## Sorry BBC, this is far too important to be privatized ..67,368 views
Under our current system, we are headed for disaster. Catastrophic climate change will kill millions, cause food collapse, and render many more homeless. Mass extinction of wild species will lead to ecological collapse. Destruction of natural habitats will lead to genocide of indigenous peoples and the loss of our planet’s life support systems. Continue reading “Extinction Rebellion: Rolling Protests go Worldwide”
Black Rose/Rosa Negra is a proud feminist organization. We take our political inspiration from the historical struggles of working class women, including those who carried out their work in the name of other movements or ideologies. While we value the feminisms that can be found in our own neighborhoods and workplaces, we also seek to learn all lessons possible from the parts of the world where feminism is ascendant. Our international partnerships have resulted in a strong Latin American perspective in our writing and ideological perspectives – something we find appropriate for an organization based in the Americas. We are excited to present the second in a two part series by Bree Busk looking at anti-capitalist feminism in South America with a wealth of concepts and analysis that we can draw from in the U.S.
Between the Feminist Wave and the Green Sea: from Argentina to Chile
By Bree Busk
The student feminist wave of 2018 struck so suddenly and spread so quickly that its impact resonated far beyond Chile’s national borders. Like the student movement that rocked the country 7 years earlier, feminism forced its way into the public consciousness, changing the course of the country’s many social movements as well as government policy. This was accomplished through a series of groundbreaking events instigated by university and high school students as well as some of the largest feminist mobilizations ever to take place in Chile.
The first article in this series described how the current Chilean feminist movement held the potential to revitalize the country’s diverse social struggles through transversal, multisectoral politics.
This strategy was exemplified by the Coordinadora 8 de Marzo (C8M), the feminist coalition which advanced under the slogan, “Against the Precaritization of Life!” in answer to the suffering generated by the neoliberal project in Chile and the pervasive threat of patriarchal violence.
C8M emerged from a movement rife with ideological conflict and harried by external threats.
After coordinating a massive mobilization on International Working Women’s Day 2018, they might have easily disbanded or collapsed under the pressure of internal divisions like the Coordinadora NiUnaMenos before them.
However, they were thrust into the driver’s seat of the movement when outrage peaked in the universities, eventually sparking feminist activity throughout the country. This rapid succession of events came to be called the Mayo Feminista (Feminist May) and marked C8M’s rise to prominence as the most representative body of the expanding movement.
As 2018 wore on, the wave of university occupations began to wane. However, the movement would soon be jolted back to life by the contagious energy of Argentina’s feminists who were making historic progress in their struggle for abortion rights. By July, Chilean feminists had donned their own green bandanas in imitation of their compañeras across the border. Consequently, Chile’s growing fascist movement launched its first counterattack. Meanwhile, the shifting political landscape compelled both grassroots and government forces to adapt to the new reality opened up by the student feminist wave.
The feminist wave was carried forward by a surge of collective frustration with university leadership regarding the handling of sexual harassment complaints. While some student bodies had successfully pressured their universities into implementing protocols to resolve cases of abuse, the slow pace of bureaucracy and lack of will on the part of the administrations often led to disappointing results. Other schools had no protocols whatsoever and feminists had to start from zero.
Wherever the student movement had a foothold, this catalyzing issue was woven into the fabric of more established demands, such as the need for a non-sexist education (a disruptive demand raised in 2011 during the previous era of student mobilizations), institutional acceptance of queer and transgender students, and an educational experience free of sexual harassment and discrimination.
Student feminists drew strength and direction from these common demands, but also organized at the level of their departments or institutions to define their own political priorities and determine appropriate tactics.
In Chile, high schools and universities have been self-organized for decades, tracing back to the period before the dictatorship. Students are often knowledgeable about their institution’s unique heritage and take pride in passing political traditions on to the next generation. When necessary, they draw on their popular memory of struggle, using strikes, school occupations, and popular assemblies to exercise their power. The movement has evolved over time, eventually incorporating a series of feminist demands. However, the eruption of feminist strikes in 2018 demonstrated that change was not happening fast enough.
The first feminist occupation or toma took place in April 2018 at the Universidad Austral, located in the south of Chile. It was carried out in reaction to the mishandling of a disciplinary case against a professor accused of sexual harassment.
It was almost immediately followed by a second, more prominent toma at the law school of the Universidad de Chile (UCh). UCh, centrally located in Santiago, is one of the most prestigious universities in the country and is known as a hotbed of leftist political activity. A specifically feminist takeover was completely unprecedented; however, the student body was used to leaping into action and the feminist occupiers promptly transformed their school into an informal headquarters for the growing movement. In a matter of weeks, over a dozen university departments were occupied or otherwise paralyzed by strikes.
The Coordinadora Feministas en Lucha popularized a green bandana for the Chilean
movement for abortion rights. Credit: Moreen Ramos
School occupations are more than just a symbol of defiance or an act of civil disobedience. The interruption of “business as usual” serves as a check on institutional power and can force university administrations to find faster or more satisfying answers to student concerns. Furthermore, the occupied spaces become centers of self-managed educational, cultural, and political development. Students host and attend a wide variety of workshops and may even request specific trainings or political presentations from outside groups.
Run by popular assemblies, tomas give students the opportunity to form their own opinions and participate in direct democracy. In intense periods of struggle such as 2006 and 2011, school occupations were so common that they became a cultural touchstone for a whole generation. This has led some Chileans to develop a jaded perspective, viewing student resistance as little more than an excuse to get out of class. However, the feminist strike gave new dimension to these traditional tactics.
On May 11th, the public was shocked when a group of 127 female students from the Law School of Pontificia Universidad Católica (PUC) delivered a public letter condemning the sexist environment they had been forced to endure, including a list of misogynistic comments heard in classrooms.
The shock, however, came not from the content of this letter, but from its place of origin: PUC is a conservative, religious institution far more likely to be associated with gremialismo (a far-right ideology championed by Pinochet-advisor Jaime Guzmán) than feminism.
Even at the height of student resistance in 2011, PUC only experienced a single toma. Of note, this occupation was motivated by the demand to dismantle the Chilean Constitution of which Guzmán was the primary architect. It was carried out at PUC’s East Campus, the location of Guzmán’s assassination in 1991 at the hands of the Frente Patriótico Manuel Rodríguez.
Everything changed on May 25th, when a group of feminist students occupied La Casa Central, the main building of the downtown campus. This historic event was marked with controversy, as the occupiers clashed with other students whose positions ranged from liberal feminist politics to outright fascism. These ideological conflicts largely played out in the media, but on the first night of the toma, students reported a brief confrontation between the occupiers and gremialistas. Both the unexpected nature of the feminist takeover at PUC and the subsequent right-wing backlash foreshadowed larger trends as the feminist wave continued to advance through the country.
High School Students Join the Struggle
There are several factors which distinguished the 2018 feminist wave from previous eras of student resistance, the most significant being that many of the popular assemblies voted in favor of “separatist” occupations, meaning that only women and sexual dissidents were welcome.
Even in spaces where men were tolerated, their leadership was not. This understandably produced some confusion for many male students who found themselves relegated to the back seat when it came to making political decisions for the student movement.
This dynamic was especially visible in the liceos emblematicos (emblematic high schools), the country’s most prestigious public schools whose mixed class character has produced a long tradition of leftist student resistance. The feminist wave forced the conversation on intra-movement sexism, threatening a separatist rupture if male students couldn’t adapt to the new political reality.
On May 15th, 200 students from the all-girls school Carmela Carvajal de Prat invaded and occupied the all-boys school Instituto Nacional in a landmark event. Using chairs and metal barriers as improvised stairs, the girls entered the campus at 12:15pm and established themselves in the building with barricades and feminist banners.
A few hours later, they were joined by a new contingent of 60 students from Javiera Carrera (another emblematic all-girls school) who initiated a solidarity protest outside. This headline-grabbing action marked a turning point for these student bodies, because for the first time, their fight wasn’t exclusively against the school administrations.
Arson Attack Against Property Company Deutsche Wohnen
27.03.19: The Action Days Against Rent Madness have begun in earnest in Berlin with an arson attack against the vehicle fleet of property company Deutsche Wohnen.
The attack carried out by an Autonomous Groups cell destroyed 3 vehicles. The action days are part of an ongoing struggle against rising rents, lack of affordable housing and gentrification of working class districts. The campaign has involved a diverse set of tactics ranging from public demonstrations to militant direct action. Here is an excerpt from the claim of responsibility that was posted on German Indymedia:
“We dedicate the ashes of the three burned-out cars to all those affected by letters of termination, evictions and rent increases.
We devote the blazing flames to those who have been abandoned by the system, the victims of daily marginalization, and our fighting comrades, who are either in jail or on the run.”
“Expropriate Deutsche Wohnen and Co” founder Rouzbeh Taheri and Deutsche Wohnen apartments (Credit:Deutsche Wohnen and Berliner S-Bahn-Tisch)
“Are we heading back to socialism now?” asked Germany’s largest tabloid, Bild, earlier this month.
The reason? A referendum initiative in Berlin is seeking to expropriate 200,000 homes from the city’s biggest landlords and convert them into social housing, The Nation reports.
The proposal, known as “Expropriate Deutsche Wohnen and Co,” would affect a total of 10 companies, each of which owns at least 3,000 units in the rapidly-gentrifying German capital.
“Resistance against gentrification has grown so much stronger in the last 10 years. It has been proven that protest pays off,” the founder of the initiative, Rouzbeh Taheri, told The Nation.
The company specifically called out in the name of the proposal, Deutsche Wohnen, is Berlin’s largest private-property owner. Deutsche Bank founded the company in 1998, and it now owns 110,000 apartments in Berlin. Asset manager BlackRock owns more than a 10 percent stake in the company, making it Deutsche Wohnen’s largest shareholder.The official referendum campaign will begin next month, and will need to collect 170,000 signatures as a first step in the process. A long legal battle will likely follow, and the city would have to determine how much to pay the landlords as compensation. If approved, the referendum would be held sometime next year.
If the referendum succeeds, it would mark the first use in 70 years of Article 15 of the German Constitution, which allows for nationalization of private property.
The city of Berlin privatized about 200,000 units between 1989 and 2004, after the end of the Cold War. Rents have more than doubled in the past decade as the city has evolved into a world hipster capital.
The Berlin anti-gentrification movement has established ties with groups around the world, including anti-Amazon protesters in New York.
“We can learn from each other. And I hope we will talk soon about the socialization of Facebook, Google, and Amazon and others. But for now, in Berlin, it’s about housing companies,” said Nina Scholz, a Berlin-based journalist who supports the initiative.
Argentina: Update on the Cruel and Inhumane Treatment of Anarchist Prisoner Anahi Salcedo
Posted on: 26 March 201 By:thecollective Partly From mpalothia.net
en castellano abajo, en parte
Anahi Salcedo has been held in Ezeiza Prison since January 10th. She is on remand accused of the symboilic explosive attack against the tomb of the infamous, genocidal torturer, Commissioner Ramón Falcón, Chief of the Argentine Federal Police that took place on November 14th, 2018 – 109 years since Falcón was executed by Anarchist comrade Simón Radowitzky.
On Tuesday 26 March 2019, the federal judge Julián Ercolini sent for trial the militants accused of placing these 2 small bombs. Hugo Alberto Rodríguez and Anahí Salcedo, accused of trying to blow up the marble mausoleum of Ramón Falcón, and Marco Nicolás Viola, 27, in a seperatye incident .
Also eight other defendants were sent for trial, almost all arrested after the bombings without any serious evidence (and still refused bail and detained due to police revenge mentality), in a police raid on the occupied center (Social Center Pavón) that Salcedo and Rodríguez frequented in Montserrat. (see more info below)
Anahi received serious injuries to her hand and face, allegedly following the premature detonation of a homemade explosive device at the tomb. At the time of her arrest, Anahi lost three fingers on one hand and suffered serious injuries to the rest of her body including a fracture of the clavicle on her other arm. She has two children aged 8 and 10, and lived with 2 sisters..